Alan Colquhoun
@alancolquhoun.bsky.social
1.4K followers 1.6K following 7.2K posts
Pianist, philosopher, author, ethicist, metaphysician, moralist, aesthete...🇺🇦
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alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Plain enough to cut through the bullshit, but sharp enough to keep it clean...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
I am a de jure citizen of Poland
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
So I need not beg for entry

I require only that Poland officially recognise what the facts - and the statutes - already proclaim:

that I am hers by 'blood' and therefore by law, even if Brexit tried to abjure this
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Poland's 2009 Act merely bows to reality:

those who acquired citizenship under earlier law remain citizens

Continuity is the law’s heartbeat, and my pulse is in rhythm with it
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
The legally binding chain was never broken

My grandfather remained Polish in 1954; my mother never renounced; nor have I

Citizenship here is not a privilege to be earned but a condition to be acknowledged
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
I was born in 1974, and the 1962 Act sang the same tune:

a child of a Polish citizen is Polish, even if born beneath foreign rain

My status was conferred not by state favour but by legal inevitability
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
The 1951 Act’s Article 4 was brutally simple:

one Polish parent, and citizenship is automatic

No forms, no approvals

My mother did not apply to be Polish — she was Polish the moment she opened her eyes
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
My grandfather, Ignacy Wodecki, was Polish — his passport proof against bureaucratic amnesia

In 1954 my mother was born to him in Scotland, and Polish law enfolded her without ceremony or petition
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Yet what Westminster cannot confiscate is blood

Beneath the rubble of “Global Britain” flows a quieter jurisdiction:

'jus sanguinis', the Roman principle that ancestry outranks referendum in the hierarchy of belonging
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Brexit was a theft — a clumsy, populist burglary of something I had never agreed to lose:

my European citizenship

One morning it was simply gone, snatched not by law’s logic but by the tantrum of a flag-draped electorate
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Authoritarian regimes love pre-existing, vaguely defined, or over-broad laws

They don’t just ignore them - they weaponise them for legitimacy and efficiency

(and this allows them to shrug and plead democratic innocence)
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
The Enabling Act (1933) didn’t create Hitler’s fascism but it was an indispensable legal mechanism that allowed him to entrench it

The Patriot Act didn’t create authoritarianism but it expanded the available toolkit for surveillance and coercion
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
P1: Fascists seek to abuse power

P2: Legal instruments can make abuse easier or harder

C: Therefore, we should avoid creating legal instruments that make abuse easier
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
@mrjamesob.bsky.social If a legal power could be abused, then its potential abusers must be considered in designing it - especially if they would otherwise struggle to achieve their aims...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
(from left to right) Toby myself and my younger brother...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Me (age 20) with 'Mindy' the budgerigar...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
We each had our flu jab, about an hour ago...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
'Sulphur tuft', in our garden, just now...
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
In that sense, the focus of the essay sits one logical tier beneath Freud’s schema - not between id and superego, but at the point where reflex first hesitates and asks whether it must obey either
alancolquhoun.bsky.social
Not quite, though I can see why the parallel tempts

Freud’s model presupposes a psychic architecture already partitioned: id as impulse, ego as mediator, superego as moral censor

My concern is with what precedes such architecture:

the point at which volition itself emerges