Finally, the article also shows different ways to use SCS, for sustainability in South Korea or for data protection in Europe. Therefore, the debate surrounding SCS is opened. Maybe they can be usefull tools, in the right hands and following the rights laws and procedures. Maybe not...
China is alarming. However, big tech companies also use SCS since a long time without answering to their customers for the use of their datas. However, there is no discourse (things are moving) to denounce this lack of transparency and accountability.
Western countries insist a lot about the Chinese SCS, depicted as tool for regime as the one depicted in the famous Georges Orwell's book "1984". The real aspect of the critics is the risk that SCS can become an amazing tool for authoritarian regimes. The shift from economic to political control in
It's very interesting to acknowledge that our acceptance of SCS really depends on the transparency and the framed discourse about those systems. We could argue that at least, the Chinese SCS is not hypocrite, as it is publicly implemented. But, Chinese big companies also use it.
The article also deals with SCS in the United States, which is very interesting. Indeed, "less centralized than China's, it is in some ways more sophisticated, as profit-driven films have experimented with minimal oversight". Big companies also use SCS that analyse the social behavior or users.
Nevertheless, national guidelines of March 2025 have been issued by the CCP, further "integrating social credit into economic and social life". Therefore, without falling under an orientalist outlook, it is important to follow the evolution of this system.
However, it depicts well the fact that both public and private SCS exist in China and that the first aim of those systems was financial and economic, and not social and political. It shows how private SCS are developed and how public ones are in reality incomplete.
In one hand, he depicts the Chinese SCS as a global system that reach big parts of the social life in China, creating discrimination in medical access or tax paying. This worrying framing does not represent the reality of the Chinese SCS, which change according to the field and the location.
This article deals with Social Credit Systems (SCS) in the world and their development. The interesting thing is that the journalist is framing an orientalist outlook about the Chinese SCS while discontructing the idea that China is the only country that implements this kind of system.
Are not the same, but they share a long Confucian past. In conclusion, the attacks on LGBT rights can be seen as a consequence of the rise of nationalism in China, but also a lack of consideration for the idea of individual rights that cannot be infringed.
To draw a parallel, "the lack of solid legal base for the rights of the individual is not simple due to the autoritarisme régimes in Korea that have suppressed those rights. The collective ethos is too strong to make room for them. Confucianism is still very much alive". Of course the ROK and China
private benefit" (Baker 2011: 117). China is not anymore a Confusian state and the Chinese society neither, but the philosophic idea of individual human rights attached to human being is not something obvious.
Another explanation is "the Confucian définition of human being as primarily a social being, defined more by the rôles we play in society at large than by our own personal wants and needs, to promote an ethical philosophy that encourages people to put the needs of their community ahead of any
In this case, for the PCC, advocating for LGBT rights means threatening the framed nationalistic discourse. Men should be strong at stand for Han Supremacy. Emancimating representation are less and less allowed as the nationalistic feelings are growing up.
In a realist perspective in international relations theories, international laws are tools for Western countries to maintain a domination on the South and the East. They are perceived as a framed discoursed that go against their interests. China uses this notion when it is in its interest.
Bans on "effeminate" aesthetic were set in entertainment shows and "vulgarité influencers". The national interest is considered as more important. The idea of individual rights that should be protected by the state without any restriction is not a priority.
Despite this acknowledgment by the public authorities, they chose to follow another agenda. Indeed, the Education ministry suggested in 2021 that Chinese mes had become too féminine. A focus was made on physical education, on the cultivation of student's masculinity.
However, estimations show that around 75 million people in China identify themselves as LGBT, making up around 5% of the total population. Moreover, "in 2019, the National People's Congrès acknowledged that the légalisation of same-sex mariage was one of the top requests from citizens".
It deals with the censorship on LGBTQ contents on social media and the arrest of members of the LGBTQ community. Prides are prohibited and public centers close witnessing a shift in the treatment of the LGBTQ community.
Moreover, as the women place in the Japanese society is structurally downgraded, the frame discourse on their social role can better infuse in men's but also women's mind. In this context, it is very hard for emancipative discourses to emerge...
This article show that the frame representation of women tend to trap them in a social role, even from a foreign perspective. The fetichization of Japanese women takes part of an orientalist outlook. Foreigners see women not for what they are but for what a discourse makes of them.
Prostitution is widespread and considered as part of the cultural life. Therefore, the fact that a women can be a sex worker is not a shock at all. Thus, the word freedom on issues regarding sex word is difficult. When women try to denounce their work conditions, they are not listened.
