Colin Case
@colinrcase.bsky.social
360 followers 240 following 9 posts
Assistant Professor at the University of Iowa | congressional elections and text analysis | UNC & UMich alum | colinrcase.com
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colinrcase.bsky.social
This project started in a machine learning seminar during my third year of grad school, and I am proud to see it finally out. I am grateful to the MANY people who provided feedback and helped with it along the way (8/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
As a part of this project, I am committed to estimating and sharing WEB Scores for future congressional elections online for other researchers interested in campaign positioning (github.com/crcase/WEB-S...). WEB Scores for 2024 should be posted in the next few weeks (7/8)
GitHub - crcase/WEB-Scores
Contribute to crcase/WEB-Scores development by creating an account on GitHub.
github.com
colinrcase.bsky.social
I also find that these shifts are a function of incumbents changing both what issues they discuss and their positions on the issue areas they do discuss. Given candidates' campaign promises carry over to Congress, this result has important legislative consequences (6/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
Using WEB Scores, I show that incumbents' positioning changes across election cycles in response to the emergence and positioning of their primary challengers. When using existing measures of campaign positioning, I do not find the same effect (5/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
WEB Scores also increase the number of candidates with a positioning score. Of the 6,016 major-party, ballot-eligible candidates who ran for Congress in all states from 2018-2022, 4,509 of them have a WEB Score (75%), higher than the best existing measures (~65%) (4/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
In the paper, I introduce Website Embedding (WEB) Strategic Positioning Scores. WEB Scores are estimated using candidates' campaign website issue positions (campaignview.org). Importantly, WEB Scores measure the candidates' actual positioning during the campaign (3/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
However, existing measures of campaign positioning are not well-suited it answer it because (1) they are often based on perceptions of candidate positioning, not candidates' actual positioning, and (2) exclude large proportions of candidates who challenge incumbents (2/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
My paper analyzes how congressional incumbents' positioning changes across elections in response to the emergence and positioning of a primary challenger. Given recent events and the current electoral environment, this question is especially salient (1/8)
colinrcase.bsky.social
Excited to announce my paper, Measuring Strategic Positioning in Congressional Elections, is officially accepted and online @thejop.bsky.social here: www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/...

Quick thread on the paper below:
Reposted by Colin Case
rachelporter.bsky.social
Reposted from @alexandersahn.bsky.social:

Data from CampaignView(campaignview.org) show that the only term that Democrats used in more than 1% of statements in campaign platforms (2018-2022) is *privilege*
Reposted by Colin Case
psrm.bsky.social
💰 How should we measure early campaign fundraising?

▶️ @colinrcase.bsky.social & @rachelporter.bsky.social propose two distinct approaches: candidate-centred and election-centred early money. Explore their framework👇 www.cambridge.org/core/journal... #FirstView
Reposted by Colin Case
rachelporter.bsky.social
📢 Thrilled to share our new article introducing CampaignView—a comprehensive open-source dataset of congressional candidate campaign bios and policy platforms (2018–2022). Paper + data here: campaignview.org & doi.org/10.7910/DVN/... 🧵1/4