@flannk.bsky.social
9/50
To “manage crowds,” ICB formed Civic Harmony Operations.
Same uniforms, new gear: shields, launchers, crowd kits.
Asked if the agency was militarizing, the director smiled. “We’re adapting.”
The public, tired, mistook equipment for competence.
To “manage crowds,” ICB formed Civic Harmony Operations.
Same uniforms, new gear: shields, launchers, crowd kits.
Asked if the agency was militarizing, the director smiled. “We’re adapting.”
The public, tired, mistook equipment for competence.
January 19, 2026 at 9:06 AM
9/50
To “manage crowds,” ICB formed Civic Harmony Operations.
Same uniforms, new gear: shields, launchers, crowd kits.
Asked if the agency was militarizing, the director smiled. “We’re adapting.”
The public, tired, mistook equipment for competence.
To “manage crowds,” ICB formed Civic Harmony Operations.
Same uniforms, new gear: shields, launchers, crowd kits.
Asked if the agency was militarizing, the director smiled. “We’re adapting.”
The public, tired, mistook equipment for competence.
8/50
ICB gained duties unrelated to borders: “critical infrastructure,” then “election security,” then “misinformation response,” then protest permitting in “high-risk zones.”
Each new mandate was framed as narrow. Narrow stacked on narrow until the exception became the normal.
ICB gained duties unrelated to borders: “critical infrastructure,” then “election security,” then “misinformation response,” then protest permitting in “high-risk zones.”
Each new mandate was framed as narrow. Narrow stacked on narrow until the exception became the normal.
January 19, 2026 at 9:05 AM
8/50
ICB gained duties unrelated to borders: “critical infrastructure,” then “election security,” then “misinformation response,” then protest permitting in “high-risk zones.”
Each new mandate was framed as narrow. Narrow stacked on narrow until the exception became the normal.
ICB gained duties unrelated to borders: “critical infrastructure,” then “election security,” then “misinformation response,” then protest permitting in “high-risk zones.”
Each new mandate was framed as narrow. Narrow stacked on narrow until the exception became the normal.
7/50
The National Stability Act followed. It didn’t erase rights; it “paused procedures.”
It didn’t censor; it required “verification” of information that might “incite disorder.”
The language was clipboard-smooth. Every restriction sounded like maintenance, not power.
The National Stability Act followed. It didn’t erase rights; it “paused procedures.”
It didn’t censor; it required “verification” of information that might “incite disorder.”
The language was clipboard-smooth. Every restriction sounded like maintenance, not power.
January 19, 2026 at 9:05 AM
7/50
The National Stability Act followed. It didn’t erase rights; it “paused procedures.”
It didn’t censor; it required “verification” of information that might “incite disorder.”
The language was clipboard-smooth. Every restriction sounded like maintenance, not power.
The National Stability Act followed. It didn’t erase rights; it “paused procedures.”
It didn’t censor; it required “verification” of information that might “incite disorder.”
The language was clipboard-smooth. Every restriction sounded like maintenance, not power.
6/50
A week later, “conditions” evolved.
A small explosion hit a government building, spectacular, inconclusive, perfect for headlines.
ICB briefed the Commission in classified session. Evidence stayed secret “for national security.”
Oversight became a room you weren’t allowed to remember.
A week later, “conditions” evolved.
A small explosion hit a government building, spectacular, inconclusive, perfect for headlines.
ICB briefed the Commission in classified session. Evidence stayed secret “for national security.”
Oversight became a room you weren’t allowed to remember.
January 19, 2026 at 9:04 AM
6/50
A week later, “conditions” evolved.
A small explosion hit a government building, spectacular, inconclusive, perfect for headlines.
ICB briefed the Commission in classified session. Evidence stayed secret “for national security.”
Oversight became a room you weren’t allowed to remember.
A week later, “conditions” evolved.
A small explosion hit a government building, spectacular, inconclusive, perfect for headlines.
ICB briefed the Commission in classified session. Evidence stayed secret “for national security.”
Oversight became a room you weren’t allowed to remember.
5/50
The Commission, built to supervise, became a stage to justify expansion.
A “temporary” Public Safety Authorization passed, granting emergency powers “until order is restored.”
Buried inside was a clause few read: ICB could redefine scope as “conditions evolve.”
The Commission, built to supervise, became a stage to justify expansion.
A “temporary” Public Safety Authorization passed, granting emergency powers “until order is restored.”
Buried inside was a clause few read: ICB could redefine scope as “conditions evolve.”
January 19, 2026 at 9:03 AM
5/50
The Commission, built to supervise, became a stage to justify expansion.
A “temporary” Public Safety Authorization passed, granting emergency powers “until order is restored.”
Buried inside was a clause few read: ICB could redefine scope as “conditions evolve.”
The Commission, built to supervise, became a stage to justify expansion.
A “temporary” Public Safety Authorization passed, granting emergency powers “until order is restored.”
Buried inside was a clause few read: ICB could redefine scope as “conditions evolve.”
4/50
At the first hearing, ICB brought stories; murderers, rapists, predators, real enough to end debate.
When lawmakers asked for denominators and definitions, the director offered clean, round numbers instead. “We’ll provide detail later,” she said. “Right now, we act.”
At the first hearing, ICB brought stories; murderers, rapists, predators, real enough to end debate.
When lawmakers asked for denominators and definitions, the director offered clean, round numbers instead. “We’ll provide detail later,” she said. “Right now, we act.”
January 19, 2026 at 9:02 AM
4/50
At the first hearing, ICB brought stories; murderers, rapists, predators, real enough to end debate.
When lawmakers asked for denominators and definitions, the director offered clean, round numbers instead. “We’ll provide detail later,” she said. “Right now, we act.”
At the first hearing, ICB brought stories; murderers, rapists, predators, real enough to end debate.
When lawmakers asked for denominators and definitions, the director offered clean, round numbers instead. “We’ll provide detail later,” she said. “Right now, we act.”
3/50
Families demanded oversight, not abolition: rules, limits, transparency.
The President obliged on television, creating the Public Order Oversight Commission. The name sounded like a seatbelt.
Then he added the hook that changed everything: “Oversight requires tools.”
Families demanded oversight, not abolition: rules, limits, transparency.
The President obliged on television, creating the Public Order Oversight Commission. The name sounded like a seatbelt.
Then he added the hook that changed everything: “Oversight requires tools.”
January 19, 2026 at 9:01 AM
3/50
Families demanded oversight, not abolition: rules, limits, transparency.
The President obliged on television, creating the Public Order Oversight Commission. The name sounded like a seatbelt.
Then he added the hook that changed everything: “Oversight requires tools.”
Families demanded oversight, not abolition: rules, limits, transparency.
The President obliged on television, creating the Public Order Oversight Commission. The name sounded like a seatbelt.
Then he added the hook that changed everything: “Oversight requires tools.”
2/50
The President praised ICB as the cure. The director called it the biggest deployment in agency history, but offered no end date and no success metric.
No number, no timeline, only “we’ll keep going.”
People wanted safety, so they accepted vagueness as strength.
The President praised ICB as the cure. The director called it the biggest deployment in agency history, but offered no end date and no success metric.
No number, no timeline, only “we’ll keep going.”
People wanted safety, so they accepted vagueness as strength.
January 19, 2026 at 9:00 AM
2/50
The President praised ICB as the cure. The director called it the biggest deployment in agency history, but offered no end date and no success metric.
No number, no timeline, only “we’ll keep going.”
People wanted safety, so they accepted vagueness as strength.
The President praised ICB as the cure. The director called it the biggest deployment in agency history, but offered no end date and no success metric.
No number, no timeline, only “we’ll keep going.”
People wanted safety, so they accepted vagueness as strength.
And once an agency controls what a threat is, it controls who counts as loyal.
Once it controls loyalty, it controls citizenship.
Once it controls citizenship, it controls the boundary of who deserves rights.
Once it controls loyalty, it controls citizenship.
Once it controls citizenship, it controls the boundary of who deserves rights.
January 19, 2026 at 8:55 AM
And once an agency controls what a threat is, it controls who counts as loyal.
Once it controls loyalty, it controls citizenship.
Once it controls citizenship, it controls the boundary of who deserves rights.
Once it controls loyalty, it controls citizenship.
Once it controls citizenship, it controls the boundary of who deserves rights.
45/45
What should happen now: publish DHS/ICE datasets and definitions, independent review of stops/chemical agents, bodycams as standard, and clear end conditions for this “surge.” If your operation is lawful and effective, transparency strengthens it. If it isn’t, transparency protects the public.
What should happen now: publish DHS/ICE datasets and definitions, independent review of stops/chemical agents, bodycams as standard, and clear end conditions for this “surge.” If your operation is lawful and effective, transparency strengthens it. If it isn’t, transparency protects the public.
January 19, 2026 at 8:27 AM
45/45
What should happen now: publish DHS/ICE datasets and definitions, independent review of stops/chemical agents, bodycams as standard, and clear end conditions for this “surge.” If your operation is lawful and effective, transparency strengthens it. If it isn’t, transparency protects the public.
What should happen now: publish DHS/ICE datasets and definitions, independent review of stops/chemical agents, bodycams as standard, and clear end conditions for this “surge.” If your operation is lawful and effective, transparency strengthens it. If it isn’t, transparency protects the public.
44/45
Safety and constitutional rights are not rivals.
Labeling everyone “criminal,” inflating numbers (70% vs 47%), and calling court orders “ridiculous” isn’t “law and order.” It’s power politics with a badge.
Real security requires truth, restraint, and accountability.
Safety and constitutional rights are not rivals.
Labeling everyone “criminal,” inflating numbers (70% vs 47%), and calling court orders “ridiculous” isn’t “law and order.” It’s power politics with a badge.
Real security requires truth, restraint, and accountability.
January 19, 2026 at 8:26 AM
44/45
Safety and constitutional rights are not rivals.
Labeling everyone “criminal,” inflating numbers (70% vs 47%), and calling court orders “ridiculous” isn’t “law and order.” It’s power politics with a badge.
Real security requires truth, restraint, and accountability.
Safety and constitutional rights are not rivals.
Labeling everyone “criminal,” inflating numbers (70% vs 47%), and calling court orders “ridiculous” isn’t “law and order.” It’s power politics with a badge.
Real security requires truth, restraint, and accountability.
43/45
If you truly care about officer safety, invest in training, de-escalation, clear rules of engagement, and transparent accountability.
Courts and journalists aren’t “enemies.” They’re checks that keep power lawful. Without checks, you don’t get safety, you get escalation and backlash.
If you truly care about officer safety, invest in training, de-escalation, clear rules of engagement, and transparent accountability.
Courts and journalists aren’t “enemies.” They’re checks that keep power lawful. Without checks, you don’t get safety, you get escalation and backlash.
January 19, 2026 at 8:25 AM
43/45
If you truly care about officer safety, invest in training, de-escalation, clear rules of engagement, and transparent accountability.
Courts and journalists aren’t “enemies.” They’re checks that keep power lawful. Without checks, you don’t get safety, you get escalation and backlash.
If you truly care about officer safety, invest in training, de-escalation, clear rules of engagement, and transparent accountability.
Courts and journalists aren’t “enemies.” They’re checks that keep power lawful. Without checks, you don’t get safety, you get escalation and backlash.
42/45
The “open border” story is also lazy policy. Migration is driven by a lot of factors and responds to enforcement and processing changes.
CBP data shows big swings over time. Simplistic blame creates simplistic solutions, and those fail.
www.cbp.gov/newsroom/sta...
The “open border” story is also lazy policy. Migration is driven by a lot of factors and responds to enforcement and processing changes.
CBP data shows big swings over time. Simplistic blame creates simplistic solutions, and those fail.
www.cbp.gov/newsroom/sta...
Southwest Land Border Encounters
Securing America's Borders
www.cbp.gov
January 19, 2026 at 8:24 AM
42/45
The “open border” story is also lazy policy. Migration is driven by a lot of factors and responds to enforcement and processing changes.
CBP data shows big swings over time. Simplistic blame creates simplistic solutions, and those fail.
www.cbp.gov/newsroom/sta...
The “open border” story is also lazy policy. Migration is driven by a lot of factors and responds to enforcement and processing changes.
CBP data shows big swings over time. Simplistic blame creates simplistic solutions, and those fail.
www.cbp.gov/newsroom/sta...
41/45
Bad incentives matter. If “success” is measured in arrests, you get sweeps.
If success is “harm reduced,” you get targeting and restraint.
Publish the metrics. If you won’t measure it, you won’t manage it.
Bad incentives matter. If “success” is measured in arrests, you get sweeps.
If success is “harm reduced,” you get targeting and restraint.
Publish the metrics. If you won’t measure it, you won’t manage it.
January 19, 2026 at 8:23 AM
41/45
Bad incentives matter. If “success” is measured in arrests, you get sweeps.
If success is “harm reduced,” you get targeting and restraint.
Publish the metrics. If you won’t measure it, you won’t manage it.
Bad incentives matter. If “success” is measured in arrests, you get sweeps.
If success is “harm reduced,” you get targeting and restraint.
Publish the metrics. If you won’t measure it, you won’t manage it.
40/45
A real safety strategy prioritizes: violent offenders first, with clear thresholds and evidence.
But CBS’ internal DHS review suggests the detainee pool is broad, with many lacking a record. If those people are now a priority, DHS must explain why, using data, not fear.
A real safety strategy prioritizes: violent offenders first, with clear thresholds and evidence.
But CBS’ internal DHS review suggests the detainee pool is broad, with many lacking a record. If those people are now a priority, DHS must explain why, using data, not fear.
January 19, 2026 at 8:22 AM
40/45
A real safety strategy prioritizes: violent offenders first, with clear thresholds and evidence.
But CBS’ internal DHS review suggests the detainee pool is broad, with many lacking a record. If those people are now a priority, DHS must explain why, using data, not fear.
A real safety strategy prioritizes: violent offenders first, with clear thresholds and evidence.
But CBS’ internal DHS review suggests the detainee pool is broad, with many lacking a record. If those people are now a priority, DHS must explain why, using data, not fear.
39/45
Noem says the judge’s order “changed nothing.”
Fine, then compliance should be effortless and documentable. Publish: number of chemical-agent deployments, warnings issued and outcomes of each protest-related stop.
Transparency is how you prove your claim, not how you dodge it.
Noem says the judge’s order “changed nothing.”
Fine, then compliance should be effortless and documentable. Publish: number of chemical-agent deployments, warnings issued and outcomes of each protest-related stop.
Transparency is how you prove your claim, not how you dodge it.
January 19, 2026 at 8:21 AM
39/45
Noem says the judge’s order “changed nothing.”
Fine, then compliance should be effortless and documentable. Publish: number of chemical-agent deployments, warnings issued and outcomes of each protest-related stop.
Transparency is how you prove your claim, not how you dodge it.
Noem says the judge’s order “changed nothing.”
Fine, then compliance should be effortless and documentable. Publish: number of chemical-agent deployments, warnings issued and outcomes of each protest-related stop.
Transparency is how you prove your claim, not how you dodge it.
38/45
ACLU alleges masked agents, military-style gear, and suspicionless stops.
The remedy is independent fact-finding, documented policies, and evidence retention.
If DHS is confident it acted lawfully, it should welcome audits and controlled transparency.
ACLU alleges masked agents, military-style gear, and suspicionless stops.
The remedy is independent fact-finding, documented policies, and evidence retention.
If DHS is confident it acted lawfully, it should welcome audits and controlled transparency.
January 19, 2026 at 8:20 AM
38/45
ACLU alleges masked agents, military-style gear, and suspicionless stops.
The remedy is independent fact-finding, documented policies, and evidence retention.
If DHS is confident it acted lawfully, it should welcome audits and controlled transparency.
ACLU alleges masked agents, military-style gear, and suspicionless stops.
The remedy is independent fact-finding, documented policies, and evidence retention.
If DHS is confident it acted lawfully, it should welcome audits and controlled transparency.
37/45
Saying “we didn’t change policies” isn’t a defense. If a mass operation creates unique risks, you adapt: stronger de-escalation, tighter thresholds for stops, and stricter limits on chemical agents.
Courts stepping in shows the existing framework wasn’t sufficient for the scale and context.
Saying “we didn’t change policies” isn’t a defense. If a mass operation creates unique risks, you adapt: stronger de-escalation, tighter thresholds for stops, and stricter limits on chemical agents.
Courts stepping in shows the existing framework wasn’t sufficient for the scale and context.
January 19, 2026 at 8:18 AM
37/45
Saying “we didn’t change policies” isn’t a defense. If a mass operation creates unique risks, you adapt: stronger de-escalation, tighter thresholds for stops, and stricter limits on chemical agents.
Courts stepping in shows the existing framework wasn’t sufficient for the scale and context.
Saying “we didn’t change policies” isn’t a defense. If a mass operation creates unique risks, you adapt: stronger de-escalation, tighter thresholds for stops, and stricter limits on chemical agents.
Courts stepping in shows the existing framework wasn’t sufficient for the scale and context.
36/45
The “weaponized car” framing is disputed in the interview. That’s exactly why leaders should avoid pre-judging lethal force cases. Don’t litigate on TV.
Preserve evidence, run independent investigations, publish findings, and let facts, not political talking points, determine accountability.
The “weaponized car” framing is disputed in the interview. That’s exactly why leaders should avoid pre-judging lethal force cases. Don’t litigate on TV.
Preserve evidence, run independent investigations, publish findings, and let facts, not political talking points, determine accountability.
January 19, 2026 at 8:18 AM
36/45
The “weaponized car” framing is disputed in the interview. That’s exactly why leaders should avoid pre-judging lethal force cases. Don’t litigate on TV.
Preserve evidence, run independent investigations, publish findings, and let facts, not political talking points, determine accountability.
The “weaponized car” framing is disputed in the interview. That’s exactly why leaders should avoid pre-judging lethal force cases. Don’t litigate on TV.
Preserve evidence, run independent investigations, publish findings, and let facts, not political talking points, determine accountability.
35/45
When public trust drops after shootings and heavy-handed tactics, that’s not just “media framing.”
Legitimacy is a security asset. Lose it and you get more protests, more resistance, and more risk for officers and civilians.
When public trust drops after shootings and heavy-handed tactics, that’s not just “media framing.”
Legitimacy is a security asset. Lose it and you get more protests, more resistance, and more risk for officers and civilians.
January 19, 2026 at 8:17 AM
35/45
When public trust drops after shootings and heavy-handed tactics, that’s not just “media framing.”
Legitimacy is a security asset. Lose it and you get more protests, more resistance, and more risk for officers and civilians.
When public trust drops after shootings and heavy-handed tactics, that’s not just “media framing.”
Legitimacy is a security asset. Lose it and you get more protests, more resistance, and more risk for officers and civilians.
34/45
Dismissing scrutiny as “liberals and the media” misses the point: oversight of armed authority is normal and necessary.
The question is simple: were stops based on reasonable suspicion? If you can’t show that, you aren’t “law and order.” You’re “power without accountability.”
Dismissing scrutiny as “liberals and the media” misses the point: oversight of armed authority is normal and necessary.
The question is simple: were stops based on reasonable suspicion? If you can’t show that, you aren’t “law and order.” You’re “power without accountability.”
January 19, 2026 at 8:13 AM
34/45
Dismissing scrutiny as “liberals and the media” misses the point: oversight of armed authority is normal and necessary.
The question is simple: were stops based on reasonable suspicion? If you can’t show that, you aren’t “law and order.” You’re “power without accountability.”
Dismissing scrutiny as “liberals and the media” misses the point: oversight of armed authority is normal and necessary.
The question is simple: were stops based on reasonable suspicion? If you can’t show that, you aren’t “law and order.” You’re “power without accountability.”
33/45
The predictable cycle: incident → video → denial → “we already do that” → judge intervenes. That’s reactive chaos.
Prevention means bodycams, written use-of-force ladders, mandatory de-escalation protocols, and public stats on stops and mistakes.
Stop governing by press conference.
The predictable cycle: incident → video → denial → “we already do that” → judge intervenes. That’s reactive chaos.
Prevention means bodycams, written use-of-force ladders, mandatory de-escalation protocols, and public stats on stops and mistakes.
Stop governing by press conference.
January 19, 2026 at 8:12 AM
33/45
The predictable cycle: incident → video → denial → “we already do that” → judge intervenes. That’s reactive chaos.
Prevention means bodycams, written use-of-force ladders, mandatory de-escalation protocols, and public stats on stops and mistakes.
Stop governing by press conference.
The predictable cycle: incident → video → denial → “we already do that” → judge intervenes. That’s reactive chaos.
Prevention means bodycams, written use-of-force ladders, mandatory de-escalation protocols, and public stats on stops and mistakes.
Stop governing by press conference.
32/45
If you deploy thousands of federal agents into a protest environment, crowd management and de-escalation must be demonstrably strong.
Yet repeated reporting raises questions about training and rules of engagement. Publish training requirements. Prove readiness.
If you deploy thousands of federal agents into a protest environment, crowd management and de-escalation must be demonstrably strong.
Yet repeated reporting raises questions about training and rules of engagement. Publish training requirements. Prove readiness.
January 19, 2026 at 8:11 AM
32/45
If you deploy thousands of federal agents into a protest environment, crowd management and de-escalation must be demonstrably strong.
Yet repeated reporting raises questions about training and rules of engagement. Publish training requirements. Prove readiness.
If you deploy thousands of federal agents into a protest environment, crowd management and de-escalation must be demonstrably strong.
Yet repeated reporting raises questions about training and rules of engagement. Publish training requirements. Prove readiness.
31/45
This isn’t “enforcement vs no enforcement.” It’s enforcement under the Constitution.
The court’s order, don’t detain peaceful observers, don’t use chemical agents on non-interfering people, sets the minimum bar.
Mocking that bar is how agencies drift into lawlessness.
This isn’t “enforcement vs no enforcement.” It’s enforcement under the Constitution.
The court’s order, don’t detain peaceful observers, don’t use chemical agents on non-interfering people, sets the minimum bar.
Mocking that bar is how agencies drift into lawlessness.
January 19, 2026 at 8:10 AM
31/45
This isn’t “enforcement vs no enforcement.” It’s enforcement under the Constitution.
The court’s order, don’t detain peaceful observers, don’t use chemical agents on non-interfering people, sets the minimum bar.
Mocking that bar is how agencies drift into lawlessness.
This isn’t “enforcement vs no enforcement.” It’s enforcement under the Constitution.
The court’s order, don’t detain peaceful observers, don’t use chemical agents on non-interfering people, sets the minimum bar.
Mocking that bar is how agencies drift into lawlessness.