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hetconned.bsky.social
leena
@hetconned.bsky.social
47 followers 220 following 11 posts
Independent researcher mapping the fantasies the far-right are selling in a “post-truth” world. Interested in their affective economies, performance, and function. Exploring hetconning as a political technology of the far-right. https://linktr.ee/leenavand
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hetconned.bsky.social
the next restorative past fantasy i’ll be going into is neatly segued from this: how feminism apparently “complicated” masculinity.
December 23, 2025 at 1:34 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
And the first of the deeper dives within the restorative past fantasies is out: “traditional family values” hetconned.substack.com/p/traditiona...
“Traditional Family Values” and the Labour They Conceal
(Home)making America Great Again
hetconned.substack.com
December 23, 2025 at 1:29 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
Hetconning is a required political technology to do this work, its used to insist that the nuclear heterosexual family is a social unit as old as time, and that things were “simpler” and therefore better before we “complicated” things by having opinions about who we married or how many kids we had.
December 23, 2025 at 1:27 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
I think waving away the tradwife phenomenon as a frivolous aesthetic concern or an issue of personal choice we should keep our noses out of is ignoring a much larger consolidation of power this gives momentum to, and the momentum continues despite the inherent hypocrisy behind it:
"many of the women promoting this domestic dependency are not withdrawing from the economy at all. They are, in fact, running small media businesses. They cultivate audiences, manage brands, negotiate sponsorships, track metrics, and generate income through affiliate links and paid communities. They're often selling dependency while quietly retaining their own autonomy." leena "Traditional Family Values" and the Labour They Conceal HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
December 23, 2025 at 1:27 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
The affective economies of tradwifery are complex and layered, men are soothed by all the unpaid labour they enjoy but also by their new position as “stabliser”, where they can reframe control as care. Exhausted women are soothed by opting out of social negotiation by submitting to their husbands.
"Traditional Family Values" and the Labour They Conceal (Home)making America Great Again HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM
December 23, 2025 at 1:27 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
A similar logic governed the recent baffling decision to alter the official portrait of four-star Admiral Rachel Levine, the first openly transgender federal official confirmed by the US Senate, on display within the Department of Health and Human Services. Her legal name was removed and replaced with her deadname. Responding to the decision, Adm. Levine told NPR that it had been "an honour to serve the American people as the assistant secretary for health," adding, ,"I'm not going to comment on this type of petty action." The image was deemed by the administration to have "become politicised," and its removal was presented as a necessary depoliticisation. This inversion matters. Levine's portrait was not removed because it suddenly expressed a political argument-Levine herself hadn't changed overnight-but because her existence had been reclassified as ideological. This action didn't announce itself as censorship. It presented itself as maintenance. This is the quiet power of The Restorative Past fantasy once it reaches the halls of power. It transforms ideological projects into administrative ones. By the time policy is debated, the terms of that debate have already been narrowed, if not abandoned entirely. But these projects do not begin in government. Before they arrive at the level of policy, they gather momentum on online stages, where the performance and circulation of The Restorative Past fantasy functions as a powerful tool of recruitment and astroturfing, making coordinated campaigns appear organic and grassroots. It is here, in the aesthetics of nostalgia and the language of personal choice, that the fantasy does much of its most effective work. I've got a handful of examples of The Restorative Past Fantasy at work that Id like to dive into in more depth, and I'll be expanding on each in their own post as well as summarising them here, adding more as I go. (I'm trying to balance overview with concrete examples, so I'll keep this post as a wider snapshot an… "Traditional family values" as a timeless structure The invocation of "traditional family values" relies on a sleight of hand so brazen it almost dares you to call it out. What is presented as some ancient moral inheritance is, in practice, a mid-twentieth-century artefact, assembled from Cold War anxieties, suburbanisation, and postwar consumer capitalism. The nuclear family was not discovered in scripture or handed down from antiquity; it was aggressively marketed as a stabilising unit in an era terrified of communism, queerness, women's labour, and racial integration. To call this arrangement timeless is not ignorance but strategy. The hetconning here is laundering a historically specific social form to appear as though it has been here for an eternity. Masculinity as something feminism "complicated" The claim that masculinity was once simple before feminism arrived to ruin it mistakes enforced silence for peace and order. What reactionaries mourn is not a coherent identity but the absence of challenge. Earlier masculinities were no less contradictory, brittle, or anxious; they were simply protected from interrogation by law, custom, and violence. Feminism did not complicate masculinity so much as expose its restrictions and costs, particularly for women, and the men who could not or would not conform. The fantasy here is a wishful daydream for unaccountability. By framing feminist critique as needless complexity, the past is rewritten as a place where men didn't have to be accountable to their community, and men were free to self-select exactly what form their "protection" of women would entail, without their pesky input. Medievalism and nationalist inheritance Modern nationalist medievalism depends on a cartoonish compression of time, where centuries of migration, intermarriage, religious conflict, and imperial violence are flattened into a single, mythic lineage. Claims of rightful descent invoke a fantasy Middle Ages populated exclusively by the speaker's ima… authority are treated as heirlooms stolen by outsiders rather than contested and continually remade. The medieval past functions less as history than as a costume cupboard, supplying armour, crosses, and banners that lend gravitas to contemporary exclusionary projects. Digital nostalgia for early internet cultures Nostalgia for the early internet often reads as a lament for lost innocence, but what is being mourned is more accurately a loss of dominance. The "frontier" web remembered by its loudest defenders was smaller, whiter, more male, and far less accountable. Harassment, piracy, and exclusion were not aberrations but structuring features, invisible only to those they did not target. By framing this era as a fallen Eden corrupted by moderation, diversity, or platform governance, critics recast structural harms as creative freedoms. The fantasy of the early internet performs the same work as other restorative myths: it transforms a space of unequal power into a lost commons, and the expansion of participation into a mortal decline. "Return to the gold standard" and allied slogans Calls to "return" to the gold standard or similarly archaic economic arrangements operate as talismans rather than proposals. These slogans gesture toward a fantasy of monetary purity, where value was supposedly stable, labour rewarded fairly, and the nation insulated from global complexity. What they omit is that such systems were historically accompanied by brutal inequality, restricted participation, and frequent crisis. The appeal lies not in feasibility but in moral theatre. Gold becomes shorthand for discipline, restraint, and masculine seriousness, opposed to the perceived softness of contemporary economic management. As with other restorative fantasies, the past is less a workable model than a rhetorical weapon used to delegitimise the present. Retro-aesthetics and sanitised eras Retro aesthetics perform ideological laundering through style. By isolating the surface textures of … allow consumers to enjoy nostalgia without reckoning. The diner, the dress, the muscle car, the pastoral homestead all appear without the labour exploitation, racial terror, marital coercion, or imperial violence that made them possible. This is not accidental. Aestheticisation drains history of consequence, turning periods defined by struggle into mood boards. In doing so, retro culture trains us to desire the feeling of the past while rejecting any responsibility for its conditions, a perfect preparation for a hetconned world. I'll no doubt add more as I go. The restorative past fantasy is not a single story but a generative one, capable of attaching itself to wildly different political projects while performing the same work. Other fantasies I'm mapping include beliefs about a purified or "primal" self buried beneath modern interference (The Purified Self fantasy), in clean-slate fantasies of escape and rebirth (The Clean Break/Year Zero on Mars fantasy), in meritocratic stories that moralise inequality (The Meritocratic Ascension fantasy), in secret-knowledge Qanon narratives that promise order through codes and research (The Secret Knowledge fantasy), and in zero-sum accounts of gender that cast women as a scarce resource to be claimed (The Scarcity of Women fantasy) =. These are not discrete pathologies. They are expressions of a shared impulse: to resolve the instability of the present by imagining that the answer already exists somewhere else in time. The aim of this project is not to catalogue every version of that impulse, but to look them in the eye. Once these fantasies are named, they become easier to recognise as they circulate, mutate, and harden into policy 2. This recognition doesn't dispel their appeal, but it does interrupt and undermine their claim to inevitability. And in a political moment that trades so heavily on the feeling that nothing else is possible, I think that interruption matters. - Leena 1 (I have several more in mind but I got bore…
December 19, 2025 at 5:46 AM
hetconned.bsky.social
The Restorative Past fantasy, for the non-substackers:
The Restorative Past fantasy The belief that there was once a coherent, pure, morally legible past, and that the present is a fallen copy. HETCONNED.SUBSTACK.COM The Restorative Past fantasy The belief that there was once a coherent, pure, morally legible past, and that the present is a fallen copy. LEENA DEC 19, 2025 Share ... America has entered one of its periods of historical madness, but this is the worst I can remember: worse than McCarthyism, worse than the Bay of Pigs and in the long term potentially more disastrous than the Vietnam war. -John Le Carré Image of Nazi book burning in 1933 In contemporary political rhetoric, it's striking how rarely we're invited to imagine something new. To consider futures possible. More often, the imagination is directed backward, toward return. The language of restoration dominates, promising the recovery of something coherent, moral, and natural that's supposedly been lost. I use The Restorative Past fantasy to describe this broad mode of temporal engineering. It encompasses projects as varied as tradwives and "traditional family values" narratives that frame masculinity as newly endangered (as though men are about to be suddenly raptured out of existence), nationalist appeals to a pure or rightful inheritance, and the soft-focus nostalgia that sanitises violence and exclusion in both digital culture and public life. What unites these examples is the conviction that the past already contains the answer, and that it's the role of political institutions is to restore and police that order. The appeal of the Restorative Past fantasy lies in its ability to convert political disagreement into a mission of moral repair. If the problem is decline rather than inequality, then the task is not redistribution or transformation but correction. Something went wrong. Something was introduced that did not belong. Remove it, and the world might make sense again. Queerness is one particularly convenient target for this work, and hetconning is a useful political technology to help get it done. There is no historical basis for the idea of a uniformly heterosexual past. Queer lives are threaded through the record, sometimes submerged in euphemism or omission, but never wholly absent. This fact unsettles the story of heterosexuality as a natural default, revealing it instead as a social arrangement that has always required active maintenance. By presenting exclusion as a correction, hetconning reframes that same maintenance work, recasting violence and erasure as necessary acts of upkeep. The removal of queer people from public life … This is not only a matter of belief, but of affect. Restorative fantasies offer relief from the instability of the present. They promise escape from the ongoing work of negotiating difference, and the discomfort of social change. They transform disorientation into grievance and grievance into purpose. In moments of crisis, that offer can be compelling. In the final years of the Weimar Republic, Berlin enjoyed a dense and public queer culture, supported by bars, publications, advocacy networks, and research institutions, most notably the Institute for Sexual Science. This visibility became a focal point for reactionary narratives that framed modernity itself as decadent and corrupt. Queerness became a scapegoat for broader anxieties about social change, sexual freedom, and the erosion of traditional authority. When the Nazis consolidated power, they didn't just criminalise queer people. They destroyed archives, burned research, and dismantled the institutions that put queer life on the public record. I hesitate a little here, as direct comparisons between Weimar Germany and the contemporary United States are... indelicate. Different century, different institutions, different scale. But the continuity that matters here lies in the boring mechanics of administration, where power advances not through heroic spectacle but sometimes in the banality of office paperwork. In early 2025, as part of a sweeping rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, the Trump administration began purging government materials and websites of language deemed ideologically suspect. The instruction was blunt and mechanical: search for prohibited terms and remove them. Among the matches was a Boeing B-29 bomber preserved in the historical record under its name, the Enola Gay. The record was flagged for removal because the word "gay" was caught by a broad, indiscriminate Ctrl-F sweep. History was reduced to a searchable database in which certain strings of characters had become una…
December 19, 2025 at 5:46 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
Hetconning is the retroactive straight-washing of history to frame queerness as a modern intrusion. Burning books, banning certain words from appearing on government websites, and otherwise vandalising the public record, are all examples of hetconning at work. Casting queerness or transness as "new" does real harm. It normalises homophobia and transphobia by framing queer lives as provisional, an optional addition to an otherwise heterosexual world. That framing has a chilling effect in the present, signalling to queer people that acceptance is conditional and fragile, and that visibility may carry a cost. When wielded as a political technology, it makes the exclusionary goals of the far-right feel "natural, or even inevitable. It's a disingenuous pretext used to justify attacks on LGBTQ+ people as a form of cultural self-defence-a narrative infrastructure that authoritarian politics relies on. Strip queerness out of our history and you can sell people a world that never existed. Sell them that world, and you can radicalise them to defend it. Make their income rely on perpetuating it, and they're locked in. What you've built, at that point, is a baked-in recruitment pipeline, disguised as fighting for common sense.
December 15, 2025 at 3:50 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
(I set up a separate bluesky account for work in that space so you didn’t have to hear all about it unless you wanted to! @hetconned.bsky.social)

I know a lot of my buds here are trying to avoid the Worst People of the Internet. ❤️
December 15, 2025 at 3:48 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
If we’re in a “post-truth” world right now, then I want to understand the fantasies the far-right are selling instead, how their affective economies work, how they perform and signal them (both inside and outside the group), what political projects it advances and whose power it consolidates.
December 15, 2025 at 3:48 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
There’s no historical basis for the idea of a uniformly heterosexual past, which leaves the tradwife fantasy (for example) exposed in that it has to avoid the fact a heterosexual nuclear family unit is a social arrangement that’s *always required active maintenance* & isn’t as “natural” as they say.
December 15, 2025 at 3:48 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
Fantasies like the “Restorative Past” fantasy (the first one I’ll be deep diving into), cover tradwives and some parts of the manosphere, nationalist medievalism, and even digital nostalgia for the early internet. These fantasies are sold and performed online, and rely on hetconning to function.
December 15, 2025 at 3:48 AM
Reposted by leena
leena.reuben.games
I’ve been swimming in online misanthropy for over a decade now since writing my first book, and patterns and structures and technologies are beginning to coalesce in my notes. Mainly the idea that the “fantasy” is essential to the recruitment and maintenance of the right-wing project.
December 15, 2025 at 3:48 AM