Mikhail Komin
@kominmo.bsky.social
41 followers 43 following 16 posts
Political analyst, Russia expert (elites, bureaucracy, government data, policy-making process). Editor at Novaya Gazeta Europe; Research Fellow at CEPA
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kominmo.bsky.social
4/ Krasnov hasn’t hidden his frustration. His rush of lawsuits looks like an attempt to cement his legacy before the door closes. And as a consolation, Putin handed him a broad mandate to shake up Russia’s judiciary — beyond just targeting Viktor Momotov. www.kommersant.ru/doc/8060222
Отели запутались в мантии
Прокуроры добиваются конфискации миллиардных активов у председателя Совета судей России
www.kommersant.ru
kominmo.bsky.social
3/ But this success upset Putin’s balance of power. The Kremlin doesn’t want one security agency growing too influential. So Krasnov was moved to the Supreme Court —and replaced with the low-profile Alexander Gutsan, expected to restore the office’s modest role as it was under Yurii Chaika
kominmo.bsky.social
2/ In 5 years as Prosecutor General, Krasnov turned a one of the weakest siloviki institution into a power player — thanks to sweeping new powers to seize assets after 2022. Over 500 companies lost property worth nearly 4 trillion rubles.
kominmo.bsky.social
9/ By moving against Zapesotsky now, Krasnov signals that even long-time loyalists are not immune. Putin periodically rebalances his power system, curbing figures who have grown too entrenched — even those with personal loyalty stretching back decades.
kominmo.bsky.social
7/ Zapesotsky nurtured his image as close to Putin, publishing tributes like this 2013 ode portraying him as Sobchak’s true administrator: “When the mayor was absent, Putin ran the city… even when he was present, Putin often held the reins.
www.kommersant.ru/doc/2299344
Не сотвори себя кумиром
Подробнее на сайте
www.kommersant.ru
kominmo.bsky.social
4/ By the 1996 election, Zapesotsky was effectively Sobchak’s field operator: mobilizing union branches and young voters. Formally just a “trusted representative,” in practice he acted as a political technologist shaping the campaign’s ground game.
kominmo.bsky.social
3/ In the 1990s he was part of Anatoly Sobchak’s team. Though never holding an official post, he built Sobchak’s grassroots network through trade unions — and positioned himself as an expert on youth culture (even defending a dissertation on discos in 1986 www.gup.ru/uni/rektor/...
kominmo.bsky.social
3/ Even more fragile is Russia’s icebreaker program. The Kremlin dreams of building a super-icebreaker with a nuclear power unit. But deadlines now stretch to 2030 — and the odds of it ever sailing are close to zero.
kominmo.bsky.social
2/ Sanctions rarely match early Western expectations, but in the Arctic they sting. Projects like Arctic LNG-2 were forced to pause production after 2024 sanctions on LNG carriers. Timelines keep slipping.
kominmo.bsky.social
Continued my annual tradition of writing for @ecfr.eu on Russia’s local elections. The Kremlin uses these votes to test what may happen in the real campaigns
In 2025 we saw the growing role of war veterans—now entering regional parliaments and expected to fill the Duma in 2026
ecfr.eu/article/fro...
From battlefield to ballot box: Why Russia is drafting war veterans into politics
The rising prominence of veterans of the war in Ukraine will widen Russia’s elite coalition pushing for continued confrontation with the West…
ecfr.eu