The capital is faced with the dilemma of acknowledging a climate threat that exceeds its capacity—or deciding to ignore the evidence. Like many governments, its grappling with how to balance climate risk with property values, the ability to buy insurance, and keeping people in their homes.

Warmer air holds more moisture, producing heavier snow, followed by rain-on-snow events that destabilize steep slopes.

In SE Alaska, where mountains rise straight from the sea, those conditions turn deadly fast. Despite the increased risk, Juneau has been reluctant to update its hazard maps.

This isn’t just about barrels of oil. It’s about how corporate interests shape geopolitics. We’re watching the lines between corporate strategy and national policy blur in real time.

Read more @grist.org.

Maduro had long challenged the project. After Trump’s strike, one of the last major political obstacles to the Guyana field disappeared. As Trump claimed U.S. control of Venezuelan oil — with proceeds routed outside the Treasury — Energy Sec. Chris Wright said Chevron activity would “grow quickly.”

This summer Trump's FTC also gave the company another victory: A long-sought merger with Hess Corporation, run by a close friend of Trump's. This bought Chevron’s entry into the decade’s most consequential oilfield, in Guyana, Venezuela’s neighbor.

Wirth also sat down with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, and the National Security Council. After spending almost $4 million on lobbying, in July the gamble paid off: The administration let Chevron resume operations.

When Trump returned to office, his administration revoked Biden-era licenses that had allowed it to operate. Though told to stop producing by April, the company made no attempt to wrap up contracts, pull out personnel, or wind down supply chains. Instead, Wirth met with Trump.

After Chávez nationalized the industry in 2007, almost every major U.S. oil company left, Chevron stayed. The company preserved its infrastructure, personnel, and legal foothold — giving it geopolitical leverage in the ongoing tug-of-war over the country's oil.

I was reporting in Venezuela during the 2014 protests. story.californiasunday.com/general-ange...

You can (and should) criticize Maduro's human rights abuses. That's not what this dangerous, short-sighted fiasco is about.

The U.S. National Security Strategy released last month promised control over “critical supply chains,” and put Latin and South America at the center of a U.S. extractive sphere of influence.

It's blatant empire-building, and like last century's attempts, fueled by corporate interests.

Though not large in global terms, this provides crucial supplies to US refineries, accounting for about 10% of Chevron’s total production. Most of this oil is heavy crude, perfect for the company's Gulf Coast refineries.

Chevron reported record production in Q3 of 2025, earning it $3.5 billion.

Wirth also privately met with Marco Rubio and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. Chevron spent $2 million lobbying in Q2.

As a result, the Trump administration extended Chevron’s deadline, letting it keep $7 billion of assets. In August, the company resumed shipments of Venezuelan oil to the U.S.

I asked Chevron if anyone at the company had any communication with the White House prior to the U.S. military strike on Venezuela.