Matthew Bowes
@mbowes.bsky.social
450 followers 520 following 310 posts
(He/him) Posting about public policy, housing and economics. Associate at the Grattan Institute. https://grattan.edu.au/expert/matthew-bowes/
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mbowes.bsky.social
It’s true that these details are somewhat complex, but I don’t think that should be an excuse for them not being discussed. Australian newspapers are often filled with the minutiae of tax policy changes - these housing policy deserve the same level of interest and scrutiny. 6/
mbowes.bsky.social
Broadly, a 2.2:1 FSR means that a 6 storey building will cover less than half of the lot. This means most buildings in these areas can’t reach 6 storeys, unless they can find other ways to get permission for more floor space, such as via the infill affordable housing bonus. 5/
mbowes.bsky.social
In areas zoned for medium and high density, the amount of new housing that the policy allows was reduced from the original December 2023 draft, with inner areas now having a floor space ratio (FSR) control of 2.2:1 (see photo on left) rather than 3:1 (right). 4/
mbowes.bsky.social
Most city land is zoned for low density, so this significantly limits the policy’s reach. For example, on the left are the low and mid rise areas near Manly Vale. The map on the right shows that most of this is zoned R1 (purple) or R2 (pink), and so is limited to 2 storeys. 3/
mbowes.bsky.social
But with planning rules, it’s never quite this simple. In fact, the policy only allows for 4-6 storey apartments in areas already zoned for medium or high-rise development. ‘Low density’ R2 or ‘General residential’ R1 zoned lots only allow for 2 storeys. 2/
mbowes.bsky.social
The above Guardian article describes the policy as allowing, “a tiered effect around stations and town centres with mid-rises within the first 400 metres of a hub, giving way to low rises such as townhouses up to 800 metres from hubs.” 1/
mbowes.bsky.social
It’s notable to me that recent media reports on the low and mid rise housing policy in NSW struggle to explain the details of how it works, and miss the fact that it was scaled back from the policy originally proposed. A short 🧵
mbowes.bsky.social
This does not mean there are not still bad housing policy ideas out there that should be challenged. But getting better housing policy is not as simple as overturning a particular ‘dominant view’ - if anything, it’s more about educating and compromising.
mbowes.bsky.social
The result is that there are numerous siloed policymakers and industry stakeholders across various levels of government, who have different incentives, different professions, and different views on how to fix the area of housing policy they think matters most.
mbowes.bsky.social
It’s also true that viewpoints that on the surface sound similar - e.g. ‘we should speed up housing approvals’ and ‘we should upzone to allow more homes’ - are actually premised upon mostly incompatible understandings of the policy problem.
mbowes.bsky.social
For instance, it’s both true that planning rules in Australia have often been made without properly thinking through how these policies impact housing markets, and also true that ‘planning doesn’t matter for housing outcomes’ is mostly a fringe view among policymakers.
mbowes.bsky.social
A common meme in housing policy is that such and such a view (e.g. supply scepticism or neoliberalism) is dominant among policymakers. I’ve increasingly come to think that this is just wrong: there’s remarkably little agreement on what our housing problems actually are.
mbowes.bsky.social
My point is if you have ~1500 people per train, then at 3-4 trains per minute for each of two tracks (which is very achievable), then you’re carrying around 50k per hour in both directions. But yes this is very much a large train not just a tram on a road.
mbowes.bsky.social
I think the graphic isn’t quite matched to the text - isn’t 9m wide enough for 2x tracks? If so, then that’s maybe one full large train (~1500 people) every 2-3 mins each way.
mbowes.bsky.social
It includes this great paper on vacancies caused by new housing supply Finland. While those moving into new market rate housing are mostly higher income, their movement creates a chain of vacancies that quickly flows to lower income households.

www.sciencedirect.co...
mbowes.bsky.social
A great project here by Michael Weibe, who is writing accessible literature reviews on topics in housing research. The first article is all about vacancy chains.
open.substack.com/pu...
Reposted by Matthew Bowes
mbowes.bsky.social
Low density suburbs in growing cities often face a problem - as property values rise and older homes are replaced with larger new ones, they become steadily less affordable. But as this paper from the US shows, thoughtful zoning reforms can change this story. 🧵
mbowes.bsky.social
Third, small-scale zoning changes can boost supply, but take-up rates can be low, and reforms are fragile. Less than 1% of blocks per year were developed under the Seattle reforms, and development rates fell significantly when additional charges were introduced. 11/
mbowes.bsky.social
Second, zoning changes don’t need to be huge to matter. There are many small ways cities can change their zoning rules to allow more people to afford a home in the place they want to live. This doesn’t mean ambitious reforms aren’t necessary, but every small change counts. 10/
mbowes.bsky.social
A few takeaways. First, to properly study the impact of zoning rules, you need to dig into the details. This means exploring what restrictions apply where, and how local housing markets respond. Not all ‘reforms’ are the same, nor are they all evident from city-wide data. 9/
mbowes.bsky.social
Unfortunately, recent policy changes have made new townhouses much harder to build. In 2019, Seattle passed a mandatory affordable housing program that led to charges of around $30k applying to most new townhouses. Townhouse approvals in impacted areas decreased by 80%. 8/
mbowes.bsky.social
This upzoning was still limited in its scope however: while new townhouses were more affordable than the single family homes that would otherwise have been built, this did not dampen overall price *growth* in upzoned areas, compared to non-upzoned areas. 7/
mbowes.bsky.social
As the authors show, this counteracted the natural tendency for suburbs that are zoned exclusively for detached homes to become less affordable over time as homes grow larger. Upzoned areas in Seattle saw much higher rates of purchases by middle-income and younger buyers. 6/
mbowes.bsky.social
Property valuation data also shows that new homes in 4-unit or larger projects sold for the same or less than the homes they replaced. By comparison, knock down rebuilds in neighbouring areas led property prices to increase significantly. 5/