Australian government "deeply concerned" about Thailand-Cambodia border clash In a statement issued today (24 December) on the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade's website, the Australian government said that it "remains deeply concerned" about ongoing clashes along the Thailand-Cambodia border and called on both sides to ensure the protection of civilians, civilian infrastructure and cultural heritage, as well as to engage in good faith negotiations during the General Border Committee meetings. The full statement reads:The Australian Government remains deeply concerned about ongoing military clashes between Cambodia and Thailand, including the rapid escalation in the scale and intensity of the conflict, the use of heavy destructive weapons and the growing humanitarian impact the fighting is having on both sides. We express our condolences to those who have lost family and loved ones, and ask that both sides ensure the protection of civilians, civilian infrastructure and cultural heritage. We urge both sides to abide strictly with their obligations under international law, de-escalate tensions, take fast and effective steps to cease hostilities, including through the implementation of the Kuala Lumpur Joint Declaration. We strongly encourage both sides to engage in good faith in negotiations during the General Border Committee Meeting to achieve a lasting and peaceful resolution. We welcome ongoing efforts by ASEAN, Malaysia and the United States to support an end to the conflict. eng editor 1 Wed, 2025-12-24 - 14:27 * News * Thai-Cambodian conflicts (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Rethinking cane field waste treatment to curb PM2.5 With PM2.5 pollution under increased public scrutiny, sugarcane farmers, often blamed as major polluters, have been under growing pressure to stop burning cane fields. Many growers have complied with new government measures, contributing to a marked reduction in open-field burning.  In the process, however, they have had to deal with higher costs, increased operational risks, labour shortages, and limited governmental support. Although sugar mills pay higher prices for fresh cane, farmers say controlled burning, which turns fresh cane into lower-valued burnt cane, significantly reduces overall production costs, harvest time, and labour needs - particularly important under the tight harvesting schedules imposed by mills. Mills do not remove leaves on farmers’ behalf and the price of leaf-removal machinery remains beyond the reach of most growers.  In contrast to comparatively-well mechanised counterparts in Brazil and Australia, global leaders in cane production, most Thai growers work small plots and have few options besides the use of manual labour. A single rai of sugarcane yields around 10–15 tonnes of harvested cane and 1.5–2.5 tonnes of leaf waste.  The waste is highly flammable, and to reduce the risk of accidental fires that could damage regrowth crops later, some farmers burn it early. To curtail the practice, the government has thus far focused largely on restricting the purchase of burnt cane. Subsidies for fresh cane producers are also available, but these come with strict conditions and delays in disbursement (see the first instalment of this report - ‘Sugarcane farmers and PM 2.5 pollution: Is it really their fault?’).  While such policies are beneficial, they stop short of addressing how farmers should manage large quantities of highly flammable cane waste in a sustainable way. In 2024, the government sought to ease the problem by encouraging farmers to sell sugarcane leaves to mills for biomass electricity production, setting purchase prices at 750–1,000 baht per tonne. According to farmers, however, the policy has been unevenly implemented, as not all mills are willing to buy cane leaves. Before cane leaves can be sold, they must be collected from fields, compressed into bales, and transported to mills. Each step—gathering, baling, and transport—increase costs, which are deducted from final payments. As a result, growers rarely receive the full advertised price, weakening incentives to participate. Because of this, further reductions in pollution from cane field burning require more effective systems for managing large volumes of cane waste. While new technologies and management models are currently being developed, most farmers feel that sugar mills and the government should play a more active role in creating a more viable market for agricultural waste. New solutions Modern sugarcane production utilises more mechanisation than other major cash crops. Under pressure to transition to fresh cane, small-scale farmers have turned to leaf strippers, a tool developed to support fresh-cane harvesting, and high speed rollers that can be attached to tractors. Although priced in the tens of thousands of baht, these machines are growing in popularity because they can be used on small plots and require comparatively low investment. [Leaf strippers. Source: Mitrphol Modern Farm] In comparison, large-scale harvesters cost up to 13 million baht, and with interest included, the price can reach 15 million baht. The repayment period is six years, averaging 2 million baht per year, while the machine is only used for roughly four months. These harvesters are therefore suited primarily to large-scale farmers with 1,000 rai or more and production levels of 10,000–20,000 tons. To make leaf waste usable, it must be compressed into bales, similar to how rice straw is treated. Because of this, baling machines have become another essential tool. Existing models are large machines that produce big bales, in cylindrical or rectangular shape. They are of limited utility.  Many farmers report that they only work properly when leaves have been stripped by large mechanical harvesters. Otherwise, the leaves are often too long and easily jam the machinery. Even when leaves are packed into bales, only some factories buy them and those that do only pay around 800–1,000 baht per bale, depending on the company, region, and leaf quality.  As bales are large and transportation costs are high, especially for farmers located far from factories, the extra income is not always as high as it could be. The old balers and large-sized bales. Source: Siam Kubota To solve such problems, the Department of Agricultural Engineering at Khon Kaen University has invented a new baling machine that does not require finely cut leaves from large mechanical harvesters. The machine is also smaller and suitable for fields of all sizes. Furthermore, it can compress sugarcane leaves into one-inch bales, making them easier to transport and use at factories without being chopped up. “Standard leaf bales used to sell for around 750–1,000 baht, but if they are compressed into a tiny rectangular bales, factories will pay at least 1,500 baht. They want them and can use them right away,” said Assoc. Prof. Dr. Kittipong Lalun, an expert in post-harvest technology and lead researcher on the mini-baler. According to Dr Kittipong, the research is now at a stage where the machine can be practically deployed.  All that remains is to scale it up for industrial use. Some factories have already shown interest and the team plans to trial-deploy their machine in real fields during the upcoming season. [A new baling machine and smaller-sized bales, an innovation by the Department of Agricultural Engineering at Khon Kaen University] Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri Saengprachatanarug a lecturer in the Faculty of Engineering, Khon Kean University, is looking at the application of drones in sugarcane fields. Data collected by drones can be used to combine clusters of small adjacent plots into virtual mega-farms which can be managing like a large consolidated field. Drone observation can identify problems such as water shortages or weed infestations in each sugarcane plot. It can also estimate plot yield and sugar content, making collective planning among farmers possible. “We can actually coordinate with individual farmers to plant at the same time and later, a big harvester can come in and run through the plots in one go,” Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri said. Under joint management, farmers can share equipment owned by one member of the group, rotating it as needed. The innovation is still being tested on factory-owned fields participating in the trial but an online platform is ready to use, with data accessible through a website for farmers and factories owners. Promoting the consolidation of small plots requires that mills engage farmers directly to promote shared understandings and build cooperation. According to Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri, some mills have begun moving in this direction to support long-term sustainability for cane farmers. The development is welcomed, but stakeholders feel that more should be done. Data from drone observation. Source: Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri Saengprachatanarug “As for something the mills could do, why not harvest cane and collect the leaves in a single go, without stripping leaves off? India already does this because cane residue goes to the mills anyway. As for the leaves, they already have people who sell them to power plants … Mills should be able to manage this because they have more capital,” noted Danuphon Sontang, a sugar cane farmer in Khon Kaen. This might pose problems for millers. By taking all the leaves, the responsibility calculating weight and potential loss would fall on the mills. However, Chaiwat Khamkaenkhun, president of the Nam Phong Sugarcane Farmers’ Association in Khon Kaen agrees that mills should support small-scale farmers who generally lack access to machinery that mills already have.  He thinks they should also provide farmers with training to prepare fields so machinery can operate there. There is presently little incentive for sugar mills to improve operations as they don’t really compete to purchase cane from farmers.  Still, growers have begun calling on mills to demonstrate a spirit of reciprocity. Among other thing they argue that mills could establish zoning systems to group plots owned by smallholders together and provide harvesting services at fair rates. More help required According to industry experts, biomass power plants remain the primary buyers of cane field waste.  Many feel that the state should develop other purchasing channels. “There must be a better solution because if the technology is introduced but farmers have nowhere to sell, it becomes meaningless,” said Assoc Prof Dr Kittipong. Beyond fueling power plants, sugarcane leaves contain high carbon content and could be developed into products like biochar for soil improvement, biomass industry feedstock, bioplastics, or charcoal used in barbecue restaurants. Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri said the government could encourage businesses of all sizes to use sugarcane leaves in their products by offering tax incentives, coupons, or other benefits. Such measures could be implemented through the Ministry of Digital Economy’s existing policies or via the Ministry of Industry. “This isn’t about increasing or interfering with cane prices directly. It’s not market intervention. It’s about promoting all industries in Thailand that use bioplastics or sugarcane leaf–based products,” said Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri Association president Chaiwat said that the state should also play a role in supporting educational institutions researching agricultural technology, so that more affordable machinery can be developed and distributed to sugarcane farmers. Ultimately, stopping sugarcane burning will depend less on enforcement and more on whether farmers are given workable alternatives. Only when mills take a more active role, viable markets for cane leaves are secured, and state support makes non-burning economically rational, will open-field burning decline in a sustainable way. eng editor 3 Wed, 2025-12-24 - 14:15 * Feature * Sugarcane * sugar * pollution * Air pollution * agriculture * PM 2.5 (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Sugarcane farmers and PM 2.5 pollution: Is it really their fault? Sugarcane farmers, often targeted as a major source of PM2.5 pollution, have significantly reduced field burning practices to comply with government regulatory measures. Despite the consequences they have suffered - higher costs, labour shortages, increased operational risks, and volatile cane prices - governmental support measures have been underwhelming. Earlier this year, the Ministry of Industry ordered the closure of the Thai Udonthani Sugar Mill and its associated power plant for processing too much burnt sugarcane.  At 43.11% of the total, its throughput constituted the highest proportion in the country.  Government policy dictates that mills use no more than 25% burnt cane, the rest being fresh, but the closure left many farmers with few options: large quantities of cane were left unprocessed for days, deteriorating in quality and price. The disruption extended beyond burnt cane, with trucks carrying fresh cane also stuck queuing at the mill. The government regularly sets ambitious goals to promote the harvesting of fresh cane. Beside the recent closure, it also approved a system for reducing payments to farmers who deal in burnt cane, starting at 30 baht per ton, and rising to as much as 130 baht if burnt cane exceeds 25% of their total harvest. While the aim is to eliminate what many believe is a major source of PM2.5 pollution, sugarcane farmers contend that banning the purchase of burnt cane does not address the root cause of the problem.     “They say that the PM2.5 was there before sugarcane harvesting, that PM2.5 readings are high before sugarcane cutting, high before the mills open, and high even after the mills close their vaults,” said Danuphon Sontang, a sugarcane farmer in Chum Phae district, Khon Kaen province, PM2.5 pollution comes from many sources -motor vehicle and factory emissions - but in recent years, agricultural burning has become an increasingly significant contributor. This includes the burning of rice straw, cornfields, and fields used for rotational farming, as well as sugarcane burning in Thailand and neighboring countries. According to Kasikorn Research Center, the sugarcane harvesting process accounts for about 23% of agricultural particulate emissions and produces an average of 2.4 million tons of greenhouse gases per year, a tradeoff for the more than 100 billion baht it generates in annual income. Burning in sugarcane fields is more intense than rice straw burning. Rice plants generally grow no taller than 150 cm, while fully matured sugarcane reaches 2–3 metres. Sugarcane leaves are also highly flammable. Once a fire starts, flames can surge up the full height of the cane, producing far more smoke and particulate emissions than other crops. Sugarcane growers running family farms in Chum Phae, Khon Kaen admit that they used to regularly burn their fields. The reason, they say, was a shortage of labor and high wages, coupled with the fact that their cane fields were planted in narrow rows that could not accommodate harvesting machinery. Early-season sugarcane is planted before the rainy season and harvested around February–March. Late-season cane is planted from October to November and harvested in the same period the following year. Cane burning typically begins in November and continues for 3–4 months until March or April. Cane burning can be divided into two stages: burning before harvest and burning after the cane has been sent to the mill. Air-pollution concerns generally arise from the first stage, which produces large amounts of particulates. The ash generated, often referred as “black snow”, is not confined to the burning area. Instead, it can drift across large areas, affecting air quality and public health. With the issue now under public scrutiny, sugarcane farmers are often harshly criticised for being selfish, uneducated, and irresponsible, despite the fact that many have significantly reduced burning in recent years to comply with government measures, receiving little support in return. “Villagers understand the problem, but do people in the cities or the government?” asked Sophit Ingsa, a sugarcane grower in Nam Phong District, Khon Kaen. Maybe not; often left from the discuss of how best to discourage sugarcane burning is any consideration of farmers’ rising production costs and thin profit margins. Sophit Ingsa, a sugarcane grower in Nam Phong District, Khon Kaen How profitable is sugarcane? As Danuphon explains it, a rai of sugarcane typically yields around 10–20 tons of harvested cane. Production costs average about 10,000 baht per rai and if yields fall below 10 tons a rai, farmers incur losses. With good management, sugarcane can be planted once and harvested over several regrowth cycles, though this depends heavily on soil quality and requires an additional 3,000 baht per rai investment each year. Danuphon is one of approximately 427,000 registered sugarcane farmers in Thailand. One of the world’s major sugar exporters, Thailand ranks behind just Brazil and India. Around 70% of the country’s sugar production is exported, generating more than 100 billion baht in revenue. Under the former junta leader Gen. Prayut Chan-o-cha, the sugar industry received strong state backing. His government set an ambitious target to turn Thailand into ASEAN’s Bio Hub by 2027, a policy direction that remains in place. The plan was to increase sugarcane production for purposes of bioenergy and bioplastics. In 2024–2025, Thailand sugarcane cultivation totaled around 11 million rai. The country’s poor Northeast accounted for the largest share at roughly five million rai.  The number of sugar mills in the country also expanded rapidly, reaching 58 nationwide. All of this was in keeping with Thailand’s 2015–2026 Cane and Sugar Strategy, which sought to have the total cultivation area expand to 16 million rai and further increase the number of mills by 2026. Despite government support and strong global demand, life as a sugarcane farmer remains challenging, even though farmers’ interests are theoretically protected under the Cane and Sugar Act. As noted by Chaiwat Khamkaenkhun, President of the Nam Phong Sugarcane Farmers Association in Khon Kaen, the Act establishes provisions for farmers’ representatives and related organisations to speak on their behalf. Chaiwat Khamkaenkhun, President of the Nam Phong Sugarcane Farmers Association in Khon Kaen There is a limit to what can be done, however.  Assoc Prof Dr Khwantri Saengprachatanarug of the Department of Agricultural Engineering, Faculty of Engineering, Khon Kaen University, notes that while the Act stipulates revenue sharing between farmers and mills, it does not provide farmers with extra compensation for value added during processing. Assoc Prof Dr Kwantri Saengprachatanarak of the Department of Agricultural Engineering,  Faculty of Engineering, Khon Kaen University.] Purchase prices at sugar mills also fluctuate from year to year. In the 2024–2025 production season, the price was set at 1,160 baht per ton, low compared to the previous year’s 1,420 baht per ton, which many farmers regarded as the break-even level. There are predictions that prices may fall below 1,000 baht per ton next season. If that happens, sugarcane farmers will face even greater hardship, particularly as they are expected to reduce burning practices, an adjustment that carries additional costs. Why burn? The first reason is labour. With burnt cane, harvesters can cut several stalks at a time because there are no leaves to strip.  This allows them to harvest a large number of stalks in a short period. In contrast, fresh cane must be cut stalk by stalk and, as the leaves are longer and tougher, labour costs are higher.  When cutting fresh cane, workers can harvest about 1.8 tonnes per day, compared with up to 5 tonnes per day when the cane is burnt. These days, labour is in short supply.  According to sugarcane grower Sophit, the physically demanding nature of the work does not appeal to younger workers, leaving most cutters aged between 40 and 70. The height of fresh sugar cane compared with that of a cane cutter Time is also a critical factor. Sugar mills operate steam-powered systems that require a steady supply of cane to avoid losses, forcing mills to set fixed opening and closing dates. Each mill sets their schedule differently. If they estimate that cane supplies will be low, they close early. Normally they close around March but may extend operations into April. The machinery is not designed to process cane with leaves attached and farmers are responsible for removing leaves before delivering cane to the mill. Under a tight schedule, they have only narrow windows to sell their cane. As a result, many see burning as the most practical option. Burning sugarcane has long been a traditional farming practice, predating public concern over PM2.5. For most farmers, mechanical harvesting is not cost-effective. Harvesters cost 10-12 million baht. They also require large plots with row spacing of at least 1.85 metres, while the average sugarcane area per household is only 15.6 rai, according to the Kasikorn Research Center. According to ‘Net’, a 60-year-old sugarcane field worker in Khon Kaen, burning is sometimes absolutely necessary. Thick piles of cane leaves covering the ground makes it impossible for workers to spot wild elephants that descend from the mountains in search of food and burning before harvesting allows workers to avoid accidents. When workers harvest fresh cane, massive piles of cut leaves also make it difficult to walk. A single rai of sugarcane (10–15 tonnes) produces around 1.5–2.5 tonnes of leaves. If workers aren’t careful, they can easily be cut by the leaves’ sharp edges. More importantly, farmers have no effective way to manage the large quantity of waste. Cane leaves are slow to decompose and in the absence of rain, remain on the ground for four to five months. If farmers replant, they can plough leaves back into the soil. But if they want a regrowth crop, the leaves must be removed early.  Otherwise, decomposition can trigger accidental fires that damage the crop later on. Discarded cigarette butts can also start fires that spread across entire fields and “if fields burn, farmers might not be able to sell,” said association president Chaiwat. Many farmers resort to controlled burning, despite its drawbacks. The process requires many workers and carries serious risks, as reflected in annual reports of fatal accidents. Mills also deduct payment for burnt cane because of its lower sugar content and weight. Depending on daily cane volumes and mill capacity, trucks can be stuck in queues for six to seven days, during which the cane lose value or may even begin to rot. Despite higher costs, farmers are complying with government efforts to address the PM2.5 crisis. In Chum Phae and Nam Phong districts, major sugarcane-growing areas, burnt fields are now rarely seen along the roadsides. The association president and many farmers agree that burning has decreased significantly. A decade ago, more than 60% of processed sugarcane was burnt. By 2019, that share had fallen below 50%, and over the past three to four years it declined further to around 30%. With tighter government measures and farmers’ compliance, the reduction has been consistent. Proportion of burnt sugarcane to the total cane delivered to the mill over the past ten years A part of this is the result of government policy.  Initially, mills were instructed to accept no more than 20% burnt cane. In 2024, the Ministry of Industry set a season target to reduce the proportion of burnt cane by more than 10% from the previous year, a goal was successfully met. For the 2024–2025 production season, Office of the Cane and Sugar Board (OCSB) data as of April 8 shows that only 13 million tonnes of burnt cane entered factories out of a total 92 million tonnes—just 14%, the lowest proportion ever recorded. The decline is also reflected in hotspot data. Between 6 December 2024 and 8 May 2025, Thailand recorded 68,114 hotspots nationwide. Of these, only 4,436, or about 7%, were located in sugarcane plantations. Underwhelming support Apart from prohibitive measures, the government has a support scheme that provides 120 baht per tonne for farmers who harvest fresh cane. The measure has been in place since the 2020-21 production season, but only registered farmers who hold a quota with a sugar mill are eligible for payment. The president of the Nam Phong Sugarcane Farmers Association added that farmers can only receive this support if the entire tonne of cane delivered is fresh. A single burnt stalk can leave a farmer ineligible. Despite meeting strict requirements, farmers still won’t necessarily get what was promised by the government. Payments have not been consistent. Since the 2023-24 season, sugarcane growers have been left waiting while sugarcane associations nationwide continue to push and follow up with the authorities. According to the Nam Phong Sugarcane Farmers Association, while the 120 baht per tonne does not significantly boost profits, it does help farmers reduce losses. Costs ultimately depend on each grower’s own management practices. The payment encourages farmers to keep harvesting fresh cane. In June, the Cabinet approved a new support measure of more than 5.175 billion baht for farmers who deliver fresh cane in the 2024-25 season—equivalent to 69 baht per tonne.  While this sounds promising on paper, farmers still have not received answers regarding outstanding payments from the previous two years. “I wish the government sector would prioritise PM2.5 measures that do something beyond punishing sugarcane farmers.  People who deserve sympathy are being punished.  Think of how much hardship they endure before selling each stalk of cane,” association president Chaiwat said. eng editor 3 Wed, 2025-12-24 - 13:08 * Feature * Sugarcane * pollution * PM 2.5 * sugar * agriculture (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Myanmar faces intensified violence and repression ahead of military-controlled election, says UN Human Rights Office Myanmar is witnessing intensified violence, repression and intimidation ahead of military-controlled elections on 28 December, with civilians being threatened by both the military authorities and armed groups opposing the military regarding their participation in the polls, the UN Human Rights Office said on Tuesday (23 December). “The military authorities in Myanmar must stop using brutal violence to compel people to vote, and stop arresting people for expressing any dissenting views,” UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk said. Dozens of individuals have reportedly been detained under an “election protection law” for the exercise of their freedom of expression. Some have received extremely harsh sentences, including three youths in Hlaingthaya Township, Yangon Region, who were sentenced to between 42 and 49 years’ jail for hanging up anti-election posters. Among others arrested are prominent figures, including film director Mike Tee, actor Kyaw Win Htut and comedian Ohn Daing. They were each jailed for seven years for undermining public trust after criticising a pro-election propaganda film. The UN Human Rights Office has also received reports from displaced people in several areas of the country, including Mandalay region, who have been warned they would be attacked or their homes seized if they did not return to vote. One source said: “They are saying to the internally displaced: ‘You guys come back to the town (to vote). If you do not come back, we will continue to bomb you’.” “Forcing displaced people to undertake unsafe and involuntary returns is a human rights violation,” said the High Commissioner. People are also facing serious threats from armed groups opposing the military. On 16 November, nine women teachers from Kyaikto were reportedly abducted while travelling to attend a training on the ballot, and then released with warnings from the perpetrators. On 18 and 19 November, in Yangon, the self-declared ‘Yangon Army’ bombed administration offices in Hlegu and North Okkalapa, injuring several election staff. The group said it intended to keep attacking election organisers. “These elections are clearly taking place in an environment of violence and repression,” Türk said. “There are no conditions for the exercise of the rights of freedom of expression, association or peaceful assembly that allow for the free and meaningful participation of the people.”  eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-23 - 18:37 * Pick to Post * Myanmar * Myanmar Election * UNOHCHR * Volker Türk (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Si Saket evacuees in limbo as border clashes continue While clashes continue along the Thailand-Cambodia border, evacuees at a temporary shelter in Si Saket are staying in tents and left in limbo as they said they received no assistance other than their stay at the shelter and are unsure of the future. At a temporary shelter in Si Saket, families are staying in tents scattered around the ground of a temple. (Photo taken on 23 December 2025) “They told me to stay here for countdown. Is that right?” said 64-year-old Nuan Kaewpakdee when asked if her family would be able to come home for the upcoming New Year holiday. After receiving an evacuation order due to renewed armed clashes along the Thailand-Cambodia border, Nuan left her home in Saothongchai subdistrict, in Si Saket’s Kantharalak district, along with her husband and granddaughter. They are now staying at an temporary evacuation centre in Si Saket. The centre, located in a temple, now houses over 2000 evacuees from Saothongchai. Families are placed in tents scattered around temple ground. Nuan’s family spent 1000 baht for two tents, as well as an extra blanket as the blankets they brought with them were not enough to fight the cold. While the centre provides 3 meals a day, they still have to buy cleaning products and other personal care items like laundry detergents, soap, and shampoo. The money might not seem much, but the expense is a burden for two elderly daily wage workers like Nuan and her husband. 63-year-old Sriracha Kratururk, Nuan’s husband, said that they usually take jobs around the village, such as planting potatoes or harvesting rice. Nuan sells vegetables at the local market every Wednesday and Saturday. After covering routine expenses, what remains of their income goes toward supporting their granddaughter, who is in Mathoyom 2 (Year 8). This family left home on 7 December. Other than their stay at the centre, they said that they have not received other assistance. Nuan and Sriracha said that, during the last wave of conflict, donations were pouring into evacuation centres. Now, there is very little. They would be given a packet of instant noodle a day if they get to it fast enough. They also said that they are spending around 100 baht per day staying in the centre while making no income. They are unsure how long they will be able to afford to stay and what to do next. When asked about compensation from the government, Nuan said that, during the last wave of clashes, each family gets 5000 baht regardless of the number of family members. She said that her sister, with 8 people in her family, also got 5000 baht. “How would that be enough? The compensation should be per person,” she said. This time, Nuan said, it’s worse. Not only is she not making money staying at the evacuation centre, she was told that the caretaker government could not approve the use of budget for compensating evacuees. Nuan is longing to go home. Although she and her husband has no livestock or land, she has 10 cats – all abandoned strays she has been caring for. “They told us we are forbidden from back to the area. I don’t know how the cats are doing,” Nuan said. eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-23 - 17:23 * News * Thai-Cambodian conflicts (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

The Spectre of the Unburied Past In ‘A Useful Ghost’ In the first chapter of his book Memories of Silence, Thongchai Winichakul, a Thai historian, outlines his thrust for remembering and forgetting of historical happenings, particularly the massacre of October 1976: Silence is not an act of forgetting. It marks the struggle to either recall or release the past, the difficulty of shaping memories into meaning or escaping them altogether. He called it the “unforgetting” which is the in-between state of neither remembering nor forgetting. Opening this review with Thongchai’s book will become meaningful as this review progresses, since much of Ratchapoom Boonbunchachoke’s works engage with the same project of unforgetting. Like his 2020 short Red Aninsri, the film strategically manipulates shifts in voice to reveal the corruption and inherent contradictions within the law, while also revealing the ways in which such vocal transformations shape modes of self-expression and inform one’s interpretation of history. Ratchapoom’s debut feature-length film, A Useful Ghost (2025) first premiered at the 2025 Cannes Film Festival, Critics’ Week section, where it won a Grand Prix, followed by its local theatrical release. It was brought to the Philippines through the 13th QCinema International Film Festival under the Asian Next Wave programme. The film also won Best Picture and Best Production Design for Rasiguet Sookkarn from the festival. The film underscores the tension between historical memory and contemporary development from its opening scene: it draws from the mural, creating an imagery associated with the People Party of the 1930s. This motif later gives way to a depiction of transformation, marked by the construction of a luxurious mall with the tagline “the future is now” on the very site where the mural once stood. In the following scenes, an important object is reintroduced into the narrative, one that will serve as a narrative device: the vacuum. Because of the dust brought about by the ongoing construction, the academic kathoey (Wisarut Homhuan) bought one to solve the problem. However, the strange happening that seems to come from the vacuum drove them to investigate what unusual events are occurring. In these moments, all the strangeness occurring in the first few minutes of the film pulls us toward where the narrative will lead us: a queer way to revisit the history and irony of the ever-changing society. With Krong’s (Wanlop Rungkumjad) appearance as the vacuum fixer, the narrative takes a complete turn, loosely based on the folk legend Mae Nak. By making sense of the problem, he leads the audience into another layer of the narrative. We get to know the story of a grieving March (Wisarut Himmarat) and his wife, Nat (Davika Hoorne), who died from a chronic illness during childbirth.  Aside from it, we get to know another conflict when Tok, a worker who died in the factory of Suman (Apisara Nitibhon), March’s mother. He became vengeful, leading to the factory’s closure. Later, March discovered that Nat possessed a red vacuum. Through this retelling, Ratchapoom manipulates the temporalities of the film as it progresses into Krong’s story. With the film’s surrealism, it reconstructs the fabric of society, imagining a world where ghosts live alongside the living seamlessly as part of everyday life. And these ghosts are both benevolent and malevolent, like Nat who is labeled as a good and better ghost by Dr. Paul and his wife.  Queering inanimate objects as an integral part of the narrative, challenging how individuals interact and negotiate power dynamics in a society where there are no laws that include such ways of living. However, as Krong’s story continues, the bureaucracy becomes apparent. With the calculated gestures of the actors and their deadpan expressions, it highlights the imperative not only to follow the rules of society but also to act in accordance with what is deemed morally or ethically right for an individual. This bureaucratic rule is highlighted in Nat’s scene with the nurse at the hospital where March is. Their conversation exposes the contradictions and ironies of having to follow rules and behave in order to maintain a false sense of harmony.  And when we think that this is already haunting, the film also strongly draws attention to how the workers in Suman’s factory are treated as fungible labor. For her, workers are easily replaceable, and keeping the business running is more important. Thus, even though the factory bears responsibility for Tok’s death, greater emphasis is placed on giving donations and assistance so that Tok can be mourned and properly buried. The same treatment happens to Nat when she possesses the vacuum. From life to death, she is constantly sidelined and unaccepted by March’s family; however, when she becomes useful, they eventually give her attention and respect. Especially when she works for Dr. Paul, who even manipulates the law so that Nat can have the baby she dreams of. On a deeper level, it reveals that the conferral of power is closely tied to an individual’s perceived merit. When an individual is viewed as lacking any potential to contribute to labor or production, they are rendered placeless within society. Moreover, in the case of figures like Suman, while their actions are also shaped by a history of imposed expectations from their spouse’s family, this does not absolve them of responsibility for the inhumane treatment of their workers. Within this circulation of power dynamics, what ultimately holds value is usefulness to a society that simultaneously controls and constrains one’s ability to live fully. As Nat works for Dr. Paul, it is revealed how dreams can be used to forget history. Especially as the ghosts of the past return in the form of a dream, becoming a memory for each individual connected to them. Ratchapoom renders this dream as a mode of unforgetting, as Dr. Paul and his comrades are haunted by the spectres of the past. Particularly the bloody Massacre of 2010 and the Thammasat Massacre of October 1976, to which the film references. There were at least 98 people killed and 2,000 injuries happened between April to May of 2010, according to Human Rights Watch. The United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, also known as the “red shirts”, held various massive protests against the then-Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his deputy, Suthep Thaugsuban. Meanwhile, the Thammasat Massacre took place on 6 October 1976 during a student-led protest. The demonstration sparked by the return of former dictator Thanom Kittikachorn, who had previously been ousted from power. Many students and activists opposed his comeback, demanding either his expulsion or prosecution, as reported by Khaosod English. “Do you think that dreams are images of tragic memories?” Krong asked. Through the historical context it references, Ratchapoom traces and interrogates history through acts of unforgetting, presenting a once-bloody collective experience as a moment to resist erasure. He also challenges the consciousness of both the characters and the audience by making Nat the agent of the powers that be, tasked with surveilling the dreams of those connected to these historical events which eventually lead to electroshock in order for them to forget. As Nat erases these memories of the history, March reads to remember them. The contradictions lie between these two as March challenges Nat as she continues to serve Dr. Paul in surveilling the dreams of the people. There are now two sides of the same coin: one that tries to be useful while benefiting from the state, and one that questions every change. And when the greedy and fascists exploit our dreams, the question arises: where do we find the strength to reclaim our agency against the state’s growing surveillance, in order to finally end the control of those in power over our imagination of a just society? Here lie the memories of the unforgotten: even if they are always on the brink of being forgotten and erased, there are still moments when they return and continue to haunt the present. The temporalities of the film masterfully execute this: in the final act, the ghosts reclaim their power. They are stronger as a collective, and their only language is their emancipation and justice served, refusing to be buried.  When memory is taken from us by force, it will, as always, continue to return and emerge in our minds as a reminder of the history we have endured at the hands of oppressive forces. Ratchapoom’s use of memory functions not only as an act of remembrance but also as a form of resistance against the collective amnesia that the state seeks to impose in order to sustain the fantasies it has constructed. Ultimately, A Useful Ghost, chosen as Thailand’s entry for the Oscars, is not only masterful in its form and narrative but also intricately traces history, romances the audience into a crisis of collective amnesia. The film becomes a study of memory in itself, with the director acting as historian, using dreams as both fantasies and aspirations of the characters. Culturally tied in making sense of the contradictions that shape the attitudes and behaviors of individuals living in a society that treats people as fungible labor. It is both cinematically grounded and historically situated. eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-23 - 15:13 * Opinion * Film review * A useful ghost (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Mekong Migration Network calls for better labour rights protection, countermeasures against xenophobia On International Migrants Day 2025, the Mekong Migration Network (MMN) calls on all stakeholders to work together to counter the rise in xenophobia and discrimination and to develop comprehensive policies which protect migrant workers’ rights. Thailand’s economic prosperity has long relied on the hard work of migrant workers from neighbouring countries. Despite their decades-long contribution, filling urgent labour shortages, migrant workers continue to be regarded as temporary and disposable. The difficulties in securing legal immigration status, the casualisation of labour, and the exclusion of informal sector workers from Social Security systems leave millions of migrant workers unprotected. Our network member, the Foundation for Education and Development based in Mae Sot and the South of Thailand, continue to report that costly complex procedures make it difficult for migrants to maintain their immigration status. In Had Yai, migrants have also had to deal with the loss or destruction of their documents in the recent floods. Another longstanding MMN member, the MAP Foundation based in Chiang Mai and Mae Sot, echoes these concerns. A listener to its community radio station recently commented that: "My employer refused to take responsibility for my registration and asked me to hire an agent to sort it out. I made Social Security contributions, but I don't even know if I was enrolled by my employer” Many migrant workers take loans to cover the cost of registration. Some have told the MAP Foundation that they had not yet paid off the debts accrued for last years’ registration, and now they have to pay again. Compared to their wages, migrants feel that the document costs are too high, and as a result they cannot support their families. Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association, an MMN member based in Mae Sot, has observed that employers are increasingly taking advantage of Myanmar migrants. There is a growing trend whereby workers are given repeated one-month contracts so that employers can evade various responsibilities owed to employees. Female garment factory workers in Mae Sot have detailed their increasingly precarious working conditions: “We can now be dismissed at the whim of the employer. They don’t need any reason to fire us. Sometimes they claim there are no orders; other times, ten workers are dismissed simply for being two minutes late. In the morning, we have a job. By evening, we are told we are out.” “When we are dismissed, our unpaid wages are withheld and we are told to wait until next month for our money. No letter of dismissal is given. Instead, we are forced to sign papers falsely stating that we resigned voluntarily. Our work permits are also cancelled without our knowledge, and by the time we find out what has happened it’s too late. Trying to survive with neither a job nor documents is terrifying.” Recommendations As we mark International Migrant Day 2025, MMN calls on all the stakeholders to do their utmost to foster social cohesion and promote a diverse and inclusive society. We call on the Royal Thai Government to: * Make the migrant registration processes more accessible and affordable; * Increase the duration of work permits to at least two years; and * Protect migrant workers’ rights through the active enforcement of the Labour Protection Act B.E. 2541. ABOUT THE MEKONG MIGRATION NETWORK Founded in 2003, the Mekong Migration Network (MMN) is a sub-regional network of civil society organisations and research institutes working towards the protection and promotion of the rights of migrants and their families in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. MMN’s areas of joint action include collaborative research, advocacy, capacity building and networking. MMN members operate in both countries of origin and destination, have unique expertise in the field, and are in close contact with migrant workers at a grassroots level. For more information on MMN, please visit MMN’s webpage at: www.mekongmigration.org eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-23 - 12:11 * Pick to Post * Mekong Migration Network (MMN) * migrant workers * labour rights (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Cartoon by Stephff: Myanmar election 2025 Cartoon by Stephff: Myanmar election 2025 eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-23 - 12:07 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Border conflict won’t affect election, says ECT Amid concerns that armed clashes along the Thailand-Cambodia border could disrupt the upcoming general election, Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) Secretary-General Sawang Boonmee said that the ECT can manage voting in the border provinces and the election will not be postponed. The general election has been scheduled for 8 February 2026. Sawang said today (17 December) that elections in provinces along the Thailand-Cambodia border can still proceed despite voters in these areas being evacuated. Sawang said that the ECT would like the election to proceed as planned and has ways of managing the poll in these provinces. If martial law is declared, he said, the ECT would have to look at the detail of the declaration first. However, he said that the ECT is sure it can manage without disruption. Sawang has not disclosed details about how the poll will be organized, but said that there are ways of getting voters to the poll or bringing the poll to voters. eng editor 1 Thu, 2025-12-18 - 13:18 * News * 2026 General Elections * Sawang Boonmee * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Thailand’s English proficiency worsens, EF index shows The 2025 EF English Proficiency Index report shows that global English proficiency has stalled since 2020, with Thailand among the countries experiencing a decline. The 2025 EF English Proficiency Index (EF IEP) is based on data from 2.2 million test takers across 123 countries worldwide, with an average age of 26. The report finds that English remains the world’s most common shared language for international communication. Demand for English courses and language acquisition programs has not dropped, and neither has investment by companies or governments in developing English skills, but overall progress has stalled since 2020. The report found that reading is the strongest English skill in nearly 80% of countries. It is the easiest skill for school systems to develop, well-adapted to classroom instruction. In contrast, speaking is the weakest English skill in a majority of countries and has the lowest worldwide average score. It was also found that proficiency among the youngest adults remains lower than before the COVID-19 pandemic. Four English skills, reading, listening, writing, and speaking, were found to develop unevenly, creating a significant skill gap. Countries with higher English proficiency have larger skill gaps between their strongest and weakest skills. European countries continue to dominate the top global rankings for English proficiency, with the Netherlands ranking first among 123 countries and followed by Croatia and Austria. In Asia, Malaysia has the highest English proficiency among 25 Asian countries and ranks 24th worldwide. Meanwhile, Thailand ranked the second lowest in Asia, with 402 scores, placing it in the “very low proficiency” category and 116th out of 123 countries. Thailand’s English proficiency declined by 13 points from last year. Reading is the strongest skill, with a score of 416, followed by listening at 385. Speaking scored 377, while writing recorded the lowest score at 363. The age group with the highest English proficiency was those aged 26–30, with an average score of 481. However, English proficiency among those aged 18-20 has shown a significant decrease since 2018. Analysed by city, Pattaya emerged as the top-performing city with a score of 474, followed by Bangkok with 467. eng editor 3 Wed, 2025-12-17 - 21:11 * News * English * Thailand's English proficiency * education * Thai education (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Supreme Court sends to prison woman who cursed at Prayut The Supreme Court has overturned the Appeal Court ruling, handing down a prison sentence against a 64-year-old woman who was dragged away by police officers after she protested during a visit by former Prime Minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha to Ratchaburi Province in March 2023. A 64-year-old Wanthana Othong was charged with three offences related to refusing to follow an officer’s order and causing a public disturbance. It was reported that she attempted to approach former Prime Minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha and shouted words of criticism at him while he was visiting Ratchaburi’s Ban Pong District on 13 March 2023. She was later tackled by two women police officers and dragged away by a group of plainclothes and uniformed police officers. Wanthana sustained injuries, resulting in swollen and inflamed arms, as well as swollen and bruised legs, which forced her to cease working and caused a loss of income. Law enforcement officers reportedly also attempted to prevent the incident from being recorded by the media. She subsequently filed a complaint with the Crime Suppression Division headquarters against the officers. The complaint was forwarded to the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) and is still under investigation. The NACC said that it would wait for the verdict from the Ratchaburi District Court before proceeding. In October 2023, the Ratchaburi District Court sentenced Wanthana to 6 months and 10 days in jail and fined her 1,000 baht. After being released on bail, she shaved her head in protest and filed an appeal. The Appeal Court overturned a previous conviction made by the Ratchaburi District Court, dismissing all charges against her on the grounds that the police action violated her constitutional rights to freedom of expression. They added that she was a single individual who refused to stand where the police told her to and was not likely to cause violence. As there was also no evidence that Wanthana was planning anything illegal or had weapons or sound amplifiers, the Court said that she should be considered a peaceful protester who the police had a duty to protect as required by the Public Assembly Act. On Tuesday (16 December), Thai Lawyers for Human Rights reported that the Supreme Court overturned the Appeal Court ruling. The Court said that on that day, all the protesters gathered at the designated point. Wanthana was the only one who entered the prohibited area despite being warned by the police. In addition, the witnesses confirmed that when the former PM was about to arrive, she ran towards him first. To prevent Wanthana from causing harm, the police had to take her out of the area, but during the incident, she injured the police officers. It was concluded that she failed to abide by the assembly rules and also violated the law and the rights of others.  Wanthana was given a two-year suspension under one year of probation. She was required to report to probation officers four times and perform 24 hours of community service.  eng editor 3 Tue, 2025-12-16 - 20:18 * News * Wanthana Othong * Gen Prayuth Chan-o-cha * Police violence * Freedom of peaceful assembly (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Echoes of the ballot: how Myanmar’s election shapes lives in Thailand On 28 December, Myanmar will be holding its first general election since the February 2021 military coup. The election has been called a sham and a tool for the junta to maintain control, and many Myanmar migrants in Thailand are refusing to participate in it. Nevertheless, some have expressed concerns over their own safety if they do not vote. A market in Samut Sakhon, in an area with a large Myanmar migrant community. (Photo by Nathaphob Sungkate) “Thailand has never severed its ties with the Myanmar military — no matter how severe the crimes the military commit against civilians,” said Sue. A Burmese Muslim of Indian descent, Sue came from Mandalay and is studying at a university in Thailand. For her, Thailand’s hosting of junta leader Senior General Min Aung Hlaing at a regional summit in April 2025, when he had not been invited to any ASEAN country since the February 2021 military coup, revealed the long-standing ties between the Thai government and Myanmar’s junta – a relationship shaped by what has been described as Thailand’s “quiet diplomacy” toward its neighbour. The upcoming election will be the first since the Myanmar military seized power in the February 2021 coup. It will be conducted in three phases and will take place in 274 out of 330 townships, with the remaining areas deemed too unstable for voting due to ongoing armed conflict. The first phase will take place on 28 December 2025, with the second phase set for 11 January 2026. For Sue, the election is a sham, with a predetermined outcome, and she will not be participating in it. “No way,” Sue told Prachatai. “I see no reason to participate in this election at all.” Many other Myanmar migrants in Thailand share Sue’s sentiment. Yet regardless of whether they participate as overseas voters, the coming vote will inevitably affect the lives of at least 2.3 million Myanmar nationals living in Thailand. The 2008 Constitution: The military’s shield, preserved through elections An exhibition at the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) museum in Mae Sot, Tak, includes the names and photos of those killed by the Myanmar military after the 2021 coup. (Photo by Nathapob Sungkate) Dr Sirada Khemanitthathai, lecturer at the School of International Affairs, Faculty of Political Science, Chiang Mai University, noted that the timing of the election is dictated by Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution, which mandates a national vote every five years. “Min Aung Hlaing’s regime is a military regime which aims to maintain total control, using elections as a tool and the 2008 Constitution as a shield to protect itself,” she explains. The 2008 Constitution is a legacy passed down from former military leader Thein Sein — a tightly engineered document that grants the military an entrenched, legalised grip on politics. What has changed, Sirada argues, is Min Aung Hlaing’s extreme conviction that civilian politics itself is the cause of national fragmentation. This belief, she says, explains the unprecedented levels of violence used to repress Myanmar’s people since the 2021 coup. “The 2021 coup was the wresting of power away from the ethnic Bamar majority, triggering the most violent  resistance against military rule in Myanmar’s history — even more than in 1988.” Sirada said that the majority of members in the People’s Defence Force (PDF), an anti-junta armed resistance formed by the National Unity Government (NUG) after the 2021 coup, are Bamar. The group has since engaged in intense fighting across Sagaing and Magway regions in the country’s northwest. From this perspective, Sirada said, the upcoming election is not an attempt by the junta to resolve Myanmar’s crisis. Rather, it reflects an ambition to further pressure and suppress opposition groups under rules written entirely by the military — an approach that may escalate the already severe violence across the country. “The military does not want anyone to touch the 2008 Constitution because it was deliberately engineered to preserve its power,” said Nay Phone Latt, spokesperson for the NUG Prime Minister’s Office. Nay Phone Latt told Prachatai that the National League for Democracy (NLD) had attempted to amend the 2008 Constitution, but had never succeeded. Under Article 109 of the charter, the military is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in both houses of parliament The quota effectively allows it to block any constitutional amendment since Article 436 requires the approval of more than 75 percent of members for changes to be made. “Myanmar people do not reject elections. On the contrary, we have long fought for free and fair elections. What we reject is any election held under this constitution,” Nay Phone Latt said. The NUG has outlined six strategic objectives, one of which calls for the complete abolition of the 2008 Constitution, the drafting and promulgation of a new democratic federal constitution, and the formation of a new federal democratic union aligned with that charter. Sirada also highlights this point, noting that the idea of a “federal union” has become a central narrative within the anti-junta movement. But this concept poses a direct threat to the military, as it challenges the very foundation of the 2008 Constitution — the military’s most prized instrument of power. Consequently, the junta is using the upcoming election to claim legitimacy and preserve its authority through the existing constitutional framework. Voices from abroad: how Myanmar migrants in Thailand view the election A market in Samut Sakhon, in an area with a large Myanmar migrant community. (Photo by Nathaphob Sungkate) “I know very well that this election is nothing but a grand deception. But I’m deeply worried about my family who remain in Myanmar. The military can easily throw them in jail if they refuse to cooperate with the vote, said Jerry, a Mon Burmese person from Lashio township in northern Shan state. The 34-year-old works at a finance company in Thailand. He described the growing fear shared by many amidst reports that the Myanmar military has arrested more than 90 people on charges of obstructing the election process—some detained simply for reacting to posts supporting the revolution, and some celebrities arrested for refusing to help promote the election. “Myanmar people have lived under military control for so long,” said Jerry. “From 2010 to 2020, we finally tasted democracy. We saw what freedom felt like—freedom without control.” For Jerry, those years are the reason for Myanmar people who believe in democracy to remain hopeful. Even though he believes the upcoming election serves only the interests of military generals and big business, he worries that refusing to participate could harm Myanmar migrants in Thailand. Many rely on the Myanmar Embassy to renew their documents, and any perceived non-cooperation could endanger both them and their families back home. “I’m fully aware they can punish us—especially through our documents,” he said. Ko Zaw, a 45-year-old Burmese from Dawei, told Prachatai that the Myanmar migrants in Thailand received very little information about the upcoming election. The only thing he knew was that the Myanmar Embassy in Thailand had called for Myanmar citizens in Thailand to come out and vote. A report by the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) notes that advance voter registration for overseas Myanmar nationals opened on 21 August and was initially set to close on 8 September, before being extended to 12 October — a move likely prompted by the low registration rate. The same report also highlights that ballots cast outside Myanmar will be counted and announced before election day in what observers fear is an attempt by the military authorities to pre-shape results in their favour. Ko Zaw criticised the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the military’s political proxy, saying the party will do whatever it takes to secure victory in this election. “The military’s party lost the last election, and when they couldn’t win, they used guns,” he said. “If I had to give this election even one point for transparency, I wouldn’t.” Ko Zaw urged the international community not to support the vote, warning that another wave of migration may follow the election as public trust in Myanmar’s political system continues to collapse. Wichai Jantawaro, project manager the Spirit in Education Movement (SEM). (Photo by Nathaphob Sungkate). Meanwhile, Wichai Jantawaro, project manager of the Spirit in Education Movement (SEM), which works to support democracy in Myanmar, told Prachatai that what Myanmar people want most right now is peace and an end to the war. “For the Myanmar people, they will accept anything—if only it could stop the killing,” Wichai said, recounting conversations he has had with Myanmar people. “At this moment, there are no other alternatives. And choosing not to vote could endanger the lives of many.” Wichai does not believe the upcoming election will lead to peace. But looking at the current reality, he sees a population exhausted by years of armed conflict, struggling to see any path toward ending the violence. “I’m not saying this election is a solution,” he said. “But from another perspective, Myanmar people now have no options. If they don’t vote, they still can’t see any other way that would end the fighting.” Still, Wichai noted a troubling rise in airstrikes compared to the same period last year. In October alone, there were 192 air attacks, killing at least 150 civilians. He said this escalation is part of the military’s broader push to retake as much territory as possible from resistance forces ahead of the election—an effort to ensure that voting can take place in as many areas as they are able to bring back under their control. The electoral mechanisms themselves have also been engineered to ensure military control. The junta has repeatedly claimed that the 2020 election — in which the NLD won by a landslide — was marred by fraud. After seizing power, it appointed a new election commission stacked with former generals, forced all political parties to re-register, and subsequently dissolved 40 parties, including the NLD. The military has also applied pressure on migrant workers to participate in the election. As Jerry observed, the system is designed to compel participation in a process they fundamentally reject. “I will never take part in one of the most fraudulent elections in the world,” he said. How Myanmar’s election affects Thailand An event commemorating the third anniversary of the 2021 military coup, 1 February 2024. (Photo by Nathaphob Sungkate) “If Myanmar has no democracy, that affects Thailand—through rising numbers of refugees, the problem of scam networks, and drugs,” said Pongsak Chanon, Director of WeWatch, an election monitoring organisation in Thailand. Pongsak, also a former international election observer, told Prachatai that he has observed elections in over 30 countries but has never seen a process as deeply flawed as the one unfolding in Myanmar. It violates all five fundamental principles of a fair election used by election observers: independence of the election management body, fair election laws, freedoms of expression and observation, fairness in the treatment of political rivals, and meaningful public participation. These failures have already spilled over into Thailand. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), nearly 3.6 million people are now internally displaced across Myanmar, with some forced to flee into Thailand. Meanwhile, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reports that the ongoing instability has created unprecedented opportunities for drug production networks to expand, turning Thailand into both a transit route and a destination for illicit substances. “If the Myanmar military can seize power, it will be legitimized in the eyes of neighbouring countries and weaken democracy across the region,” Pongsak warned. He stressed that if the international community ignores what the Myanmar junta is doing, the political landscape of Southeast Asia will only worsen, as elections are being used as a tool to formalise military rule. Wichai, meanwhile, believes that once the vote is concluded, global sanctions on Myanmar’s military government are likely to soften, prompting a return of foreign investment. “It may sound good, but the return of investment in Myanmar is economic activity with very little benefit to the people there. The beneficiaries are investors and the tax collection. Meanwhile, the impact on Myanmar citizens increases,” Wichai said. It is expected that investment in mining, natural gas, and other natural resources will begin flowing back into Myanmar after the election. Thailand is directly involved in these sectors. the Energy Statistics of Thailand 2025 report shows that the country still imports 11% of its natural gas from Myanmar. “Some Thai businesspeople see the election as a way out,” Sirada said, noting that Thai goods and services remain in high demand in Myanmar. “Thai capitalists and Myanmar capitalists have long-standing commercial ties to each other, and these increased after 2010. So some in the business sector view this election as an opportunity even though the fact is that this election is nothing like the 2010 election, and is not a path toward peace.” Sirada expects that after the election, activities such as mining, drug production, and cybercrime will continue to be controlled by armed groups with uncertain political allegiances. Even though the junta cannot fully control these groups, mutual business interests will likely keep the networks running, while serious attempts to address issues affecting Thailand remain absent. “Thailand can talk to almost every political group in Myanmar, but it is not utilizing these channels advantageously,” she said. Because of Thailand’s weak political institutions, Sirada said that every Thai government’s stance toward Myanmar’s elections and Myanmar politics is largely reactive and lacks a coherent foreign policy. This is compounded by what she describes as Thailand’s “inward-looking” mindset—a tendency to focus only on domestic affairs, despite the fact that Thailand is both a stakeholder and a country directly affected by Myanmar’s unfolding crisis. “The groups who try not to interfere in Myanmar’s politics are the same ones who ask why too many migrant workers and refugees from Myanmar come to live in Thailand, even though these issues are directly connected,” she said. The Thai Foreign Minister has reiterated Thailand’s support for ASEAN’s five-point consensus, alongside the bloc’s decision not to send an official election observer mission. He added that the Myanmar election planned by the military junta is “neither free nor credible,” reaffirming the government’s position that Thailand is not in a place to recognize the results under the current circumstances. He also called for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi on humanitarian grounds. However, Thailand is often perceived as pursuing its own approach toward Myanmar, leading observers to assess that Thailand is more likely than other ASEAN member states to accept the election’s outcome. Meanwhile, Nay Phone Latt stressed that international pressure is crucial and can drive real change, as one of the junta’s main goals is to secure international recognition through this election. Nay Phone Latt added that the Myanmar military has been actively sending lobbyists to various countries, seeking to persuade the global community to accept the election results. “That alone shows how much the junta cares about international recognition. So I urge all countries not to recognise the results and to closely monitor what is happening inside Myanmar,” he said. Decision to leave Myanmar A protester writing a message during the protest in front of the Myanmar Embassy in Bangkok on 1 February 2025 (Photo by Nathaphob Sungkate) “I always say that the time of Myanmar’s youth stopped in 2019. We never got to grow beyond that year, since it was COVID-19 in 2020 and coup d'état later on.  I was 14, and it felt like my life froze at that point,” Sue said. She is now searching for a path forward after completing her university studies in Thailand. “At that time, we had so many dreams. I wanted to work to improve the education system, create opportunities for ethnic minorities, and become a social worker.” But when asked what hopes she still holds regarding Myanmar’s current situation, Sue said the reality now is that many Myanmar people cannot return home and have no idea what their future will look like. “My dream has shifted from wanting to develop my country to wanting to escape and start a new life somewhere else. We just want a normal life — to live with our families in safety. Our dreams have become smaller, reduced to simply protecting our own lives, rather than pursuing the big dreams we once had.” As a young person, Sue believes the country does not need an election designed to reinforce military power. What it needs is an election that brings intellectual leadership. For her generation, the military’s claim that its role is to “protect national security” is no longer an answer to the country’s development needs. What Myanmar needs today is education, a functioning healthcare system, and proper infrastructure — things the military is incapable of providing. “The military is not trained to build roads or run an economy. They are trained to fight. But today, they are fighting their own people — using a fraudulent election as a tool to legitimise themselves.”This article is produced under the ANFREL Media Fellowship on Election Reporting.  eng editor 1 Tue, 2025-12-16 - 11:36 * Feature * Myanmar * Myanmar coup * migrant workers * Myanmar Election (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Thailand to hold general elections on 8 February Thailand is scheduled to cast votes in general elections on 8 February 2026, earlier than expected, after Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul dissolved the House of Representatives last week. According to the law, General elections must now take place within 45 to 60 days after the dissolution is published in the royal decree. At the latest, the 2026 general elections would be on 8 February 2026. The Election Commission said on Monday (15 December) that the next general elections will be on 8 February 2026. The application date for the constituency will be on 27-31 December, and parties are required to submit lists of their party lists and prime ministerial candidates on 29-31 December. The dissolution came after a chaotic parliamentary session on 11 December, in which MPs and senators rejected a proposal that future constitutional amendments be approved by a simple majority in a joint sitting, opting instead to require support from at least one-third of all senators. Several Bhumjaithai MPs joined the vote to reject the committee’s proposal, while People’s Party MPs were in favour of limiting the Senate’s power, as proposed by the ad hoc committee. As a result, the People's Party moved to prepare a no-confidence motion against Anutin's government. In response, Anutin submitted a request to dissolve the House. For the upcoming general elections, 500 members of the lower house will be elected by parallel voting. 400 seats will be elected from constituency seats, and the remaining 100 seats will come from party lists. Voters will have to cast their votes on separate ballots. As has happened in the past, parties assigned the same number nationwide may benefit from voter mistakes. The election results must be released by 9 April 2026 at the latest, while the first parliamentary session must be held within 15 days after the official results are announced. The People’s Party was the first to announce its PM candidates: party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, Sirikanya Tansakun, and Veerayooth Kanchoochat. For Bhumjathai, it nominated three PM candidates: Anutin, Ekniti Nitithanprapas, and Supajee Suthampun. The last two nominees have yet to be confirmed as candidates, however. Local media outlets reported that Pheu Thai also selected three potential PM candidates: Yodchanan Wongsawat, Thaksin Shinawatra’s nephew, Suriya Juangroongruangkit, and Julapun Amornvivat, the party’s leader. The Party is scheduled to officially announce its PM candidates and policies on Tuesday (16 December). The 2026 general elections was supposed to be held along with two referendums, one regarding constitutional amendment, and another regarding the revocation of two MOUs with Cambodia. Given governing laws and the accelerated election schedule, it remains to be seen whether the referendums can still be organised at the same time. The election schedule is also contingent upon developments on the Cambodian border where ongoing clashes have forced hundreds of thousands of people to evacuate. According to the law, if a general election cannot be held on the same day nationwide, it will not be considered valid. eng editor 3 Tue, 2025-12-16 - 10:36 * News * 2026 General Elections (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

APHR Demands Immediate Ceasefire, Humanitarian Access in Thailand-Cambodia Conflict ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) calls for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia, the full protection of civilian populations, and safe humanitarian access to all affected communities caught in the border conflict. “Both the Thai and Cambodian governments have violated international humanitarian law, with military actions that have resulted in the killing of civilians and the destruction of homes, schools, and essential infrastructure,” said Mercy Chriesty Barends, APHR Chairperson and Member of Parliament of Indonesia. “These are not accidental consequences of conflict—they are unlawful acts that must be stopped immediately,” she added. Since December 8, more than 40 people have died, including at least 13 civilians—an eight-year-old child, an infant, parents, and grandparents. Nearly 200 others have been wounded by rockets, artillery, and airstrikes. Between 330,000 and 600,000 people now crowd evacuation centers, sleeping on floors, rationing food, separated from everything they built over lifetimes. The humanitarian emergency along the border has reached crisis levels. Evacuation centers lack adequate shelter, clean water, sanitation facilities, and medical supplies to support hundreds of thousands of displaced people. Families report severe food shortages and deteriorating mental health as displacement drags on. On the Thai side alone, 852 schools have closed and 7 hospitals have been damaged or shut down, denying children education and families access to healthcare when they need it most. Thailand’s deployment of F-16 fighter jets has resulted in airstrikes that damaged bridges, civilian structures, and the UNESCO World Heritage site of Preah Vihear Temple, further escalating the violence and threatening irreplaceable cultural heritage. “A territorial dispute cannot justify destroying the lives of more than half a million people,” said Rangsiman Rome, APHR Board Member and Member of Parliament of Thailand. “Thais and Cambodians share cultural heritage, trade relationships, and family ties across borders. Every day this conflict continues, more children miss school, more families lose homes, more communities lose trust in regional institutions meant to protect them,” Rome added. APHR urges the international community—particularly the United Nations, ASEAN member states, and countries with influence over both Thailand and Cambodia—to apply immediate diplomatic pressure and facilitate negotiations that prioritize human lives over territorial claims. Malaysia, as ASEAN Chair, brokered the Kuala Lumpur Peace Accord in October 2025 after both governments requested Malaysian mediation. With that accord now violated and fighting resumed, the Philippines—which assumed the ASEAN Chairship in late October 2025—must leverage its leadership position to pressure both governments to honor their commitments and cease all hostilities immediately. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and the Philippines must coordinate with Malaysia, which remains the trusted mediator both sides accepted, to back diplomatic efforts with unified ASEAN pressure and engagement with external partners to ensure ceasefire compliance. “ASEAN-led conflict resolution cannot remain limited to expressions of concern and diplomatic engagement—it must result in tangible actions for peace on the ground, including a sustained ceasefire, the protection of civilians, and an immediate end to the conflict,” said Wong Chen, APHR Board Member and Member of Parliament of Malaysia. APHR stands in solidarity with civilians forced into evacuation centres, children cut off from education, patients unable to access medical care, and communities devastated by the fighting. The international community must move beyond statements, secure an immediate ceasefire, and ensure real protection for civilians. The violence must stop. Border communities deserve safety and peace. eng editor 1 Mon, 2025-12-15 - 19:02 * Pick to Post * ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) * Thai-Cambodian conflicts (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Cartoon by Stephff: The tremendous peace maker Cartoon by Stephff: The tremendous peace maker eng editor 1 Sun, 2025-12-14 - 09:00 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Chiang Mai activists demand release of political prisoners, end to border conflict On Saturday (13 December), while activists are staging their weekly protest to demand release of political prisoners, protesters joined holding banners calling for an end to armed conflict along the Thailand-Cambodia border. The ‘Stand Against Tyranny’ protest is held every Saturday at Tha Phae gate, a popular tourist landmark in Chiang Mai’s old town. For the past 151 weeks, activists stood along the footpath with signs calling for the release of political prisoners, especially those detained for royal defamation. On Saturday (13 December), they are joined by anti-war protesters holding banners demanding an end to the border conflict and for the Thai and Cambodian governments to return to the negotiating table. eng editor 1 Sun, 2025-12-14 - 00:38 * News * Stand against tyranny * Chiang mai * political prisoners * Royal defamation * Section 112 * Thai-Cambodian conflicts (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Bangkok protest demands end to Thailand-Cambodia border conflict The activist group Socialist Workers Thailand (SWT) staged a protest on Saturday (13 December) in front of the Bangkok Art and Culture Centre to demand an end to armed clashes along the Thailand-Cambodia border. SWT member Saowalak Phongam said that the group wanted to show that there are Thais who stand against war. While war benefits the military in both countries, she said, it does not benefit the majority of citizens. Saowalak noted that, while there has been periodical tension along the border, there has never been such a prolonged conflict. She believes that the military is exploiting the rising nationalism so that it could still interfere with politics after it became less popular following the 2023 general election. Saowalak called on the caretaker Cabinet to enter negotiation about the border conflict, and on every political party to demand an end to armed conflict. After the protest at the BACC, the group went to the Srinakharinwirot University, where the People’s Party was holding an event, to continue their campaign.    eng editor 1 Sun, 2025-12-14 - 00:12 * News * Thai-Cambodian conflicts * Socialist Workers Thailand Group (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

House Dissolution: experts weigh in on election challenges Following Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s dissolution of the House of Representatives, several prominent public figures and academics have shared their perspectives on the challenges ahead as Thailand’s political parties prepare for the election. On Friday (12 December), Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a professor of political science at Kyoto University, published an analysis of the country’s three main parties: Bhumjaithai, People’s Party, and Pheu Thai. With respect to the first, he noted that as its head, Anutin, is now the caretaker PM, it has an advantage in the run up to the elections. Pavin feels the Party’s strengths lie in its current policies on issues like cannabis legalisation and addressing the cost of living, which appeal to local constituencies. He also thinks that the party has gained huge support from conservatives due to its political stance, particularly with respect to the monarchy. Finally,  as Anutin excels at stirring nationalist sentiment, as seen during the border clashes with Cambodia, Pavin anticipates that his tough stance will figure in the electoral campaign. On the downside, Pavin believes that Bhumjathai’s political legitimacy is lacking in the long run, due to its deal with the People’s Party, and its lacklustre handling of national crises, such as flooding in the South and SEA Games management. In terms of policy, the party has also tended to focus on short-term rather than long-term solutions, and its refusal to consider amending the royal defamation law may cost it support among voters seeking reform. In addition, Pavin feels that Anutin’s alleged links to scam networks may have tainted his image. As for the People’s Party, the professor believes that it has the clearest ideological identity and strong support from younger voters and those seeking structural change. Its core policy is to push for a constitutional amendment. Its commitment to monarchy reform has also remained firm even though the Constitutional Court ruled that efforts to change the royal defamation law constitute an attempt to overthrow the government, a ruling that forced the party to remove the policy from its core platform. According to Pavin, the party’s principal weakness stems from its support for Anutin as a PM on the condition that the House be dissolved within four months. The move was seen as a political deal that undermined its credibility as a party opposing the old power structure. Some supporters expressed disappointment that it compromised with a rival. In addition, the party is at risk of facing dissolution as a consequence of previous Constitutional Court rulings and it lost some credibility by playing along with nationalist sentiment, rather than focussing on diplomatic solutions, during the Thailand-Cambodia clashes . Writing about Pheu Thai, Pavin noted that it remains popular in the north and northeastern regions where its policies continue to appeal to certain groups of voters. He added that Pheu Thai has positioned itself as a centrist alternative, and stressed that its long-standing association with the Shinawatra family remains a key asset which still defines its political identity. He acknowledges, however, that Pheu Thai suffered a serious legitimacy crisis in the aftermath of the 2023 election, when it was perceived to have surrendered to conservatives, betraying its former allies and the People’s Party. Thaksin’s return and the subsequent legal controversies have also deepened political wounds, prompting perceptions that the party prioritises Shinawatra family interests over political principles. Pavin observed that the elections is being held at a moment when the country is facing urgent challenges, particularly flooding. All parties will need economic policies focusing on post-disaster rehabilitation. At the same time, widespread social threats like scams require strong legal and technological policies if parties are to gain support from voters. The Thailand and Cambodia conflict is also one of the challenges. He believes that any party hoping to win will need to present comprehensive plans to address these issues. Another piece of analysis was recently posted by, Atukkit Sawangsuk, a veteran journalist.  He argued that there is little likelihood that the People’s Party and Pheu Thai will work together again to form a coalition, due to People’s Party mistrust of Pheu Thai patriarch Thaksin Shinawatra. Despite cooperating in parliament over constitutional amendment efforts, People’s Party leaders suspect that Pheu Thai support could disappear overnight if Thaksin decided to with draw it. Prinya Thaewanarumitkul from Thammasat University’s Faculty of Law, commented upon the possibility of holding constitutional referendums alongside the elections. Typically, referendums must be held 60 days after the cabinet approves referendum questions, according to the current Constitution and Section 9(1) of the Referendum Act. However, Prinya said Section 9(4) and 11 of the Act also allows the Cabinet to waive the minimum timeframe in case of unavoidable urgency. Under these provisions, he asserted that it would be possible to hold the elections and the referendums at the same time, but it would require a Cabinet resolution. The approach differs from Section 9(1) where the PM can consult the Election Commission and announce the referendums in the Royal Gazette without Cabinet approval. Somchai Srisuthiyakorn, a former member of the Election Commission, stated that a caretaker government, while facing constitutional restrictions, can still deal with disasters and national security issues, despite the fact that any use of emergency funds requires approval from the Election Commission, which must ensure such budgets are not used for campaigning purposes. He feels that the referendum questions should have been approved by the Cabinet before the House was dissolved, noting that as a caretaker government, the Cabinet can now argue that it has no authority to approve anything binding on the next government. Regarding the upcoming elections, he said the rules remain unchanged, with two ballots, and separate numbers for constituency candidates and party lists. Parties assigned the same number nationwide may gain an advantage from voter mistakes. Meanwhile, in its statement, the People’s Party expressed its readiness to enter the election arena. The party also apologized to the public for not being able to make progress with the constitutional amendment. “The People’s Party apologises … that we were not successful in forming a government and have not yet succeeded in pushing the constitutional agenda further,” it said. During a press briefing, the Pheu Thai Party emphasised that it is fully prepared for the upcoming election to address urgent problems and lay a new foundation for the country’s progress. The party will introduce its three prime ministerial candidates on 16 December under the campaign “Rebuilding Thailand, Pheu Thai Can Do It,” and the same day, it will also present its policies on the economy, infrastructure development, and quality of life improvement. eng editor 3 Sat, 2025-12-13 - 17:44 * News * Bhumjaithai Party * People's Party * Pheu Thai Party * Pavin Chachavalpongpun * Prinya Thaewanarumitkul * Atukkit Sawaengsuk * Somchai Srisuthiyakorn * Dissolution of parliament * 2026 General Elections (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Thai-Cambodian civil society network demands end to border clash with Cambodia The Thai-Cambodian People Alliance for Peace issued a statement on Friday (12 December) demanding an end to armed conflict at the Thailand-Cambodia border. Backed by 39 community groups and civil society organizations from Thailand and Cambodia, the statement says that the border clash have displaced people from both countries who live along the border and whose way of life have long involved cross-border trade, while those who do not face the effects of the conflict support violence and invasion.  The network said it is against an unnecessary war, noting that for them, the conflict only serve to distract the public from internal political issues in both countries. It also resists the provocation of ultranationalism and militarism that strengthen both countries' armies and create hatred among people. The network calls on the Thai and Cambodian governments to honour the peace agreeement they previously signed and to immediately end the border clashes. Both governments must return normalcy to border population so they can safely return to their lives and work. Both must also cooperate with each other, as well as with other ASEAN member states, to keep peace and ensure safety and security for people in the region. The full statement reads:Statement Thai-Cambodian People Alliance for Peace Thai and Cambodian Governments must Stop the Fight at the Border Immediately And Return Peace and Safety to People Soonest The fight between governments of Thailand and Cambodia, that bring soldiers to the border areas to attack each other since mid-2025, is erupted again on December 7, 2025. All these fights happen because governments of both countries are facing the internal political instability and they want to hide their failures in governance, including the failure in suppressing transborder criminal businesses. Later, conflicts among the elites of both countries are added into the causes. Moreover, both governments take advantages of the unclear borderline to stir up the ultranationalism and let their armies to play the roles of warmongers, without care for the low-ranking soldiers’ lives. All these fights are for the interest of the ruling elites only. But the people of both countries, especially villagers, peasants, workers, traders, the poor and the grassroots have lived the normal life along the borderline, have farmed, have visited, and have crossed the border to trade and exchange since long time ago. Now they are forced to evacuate, to escape, to leave their farmland, to stop working, and to live in constant fear. Worse still, many people who do not live in the war zones and not face the sufferings, stir up and support intimidation and invasion, taking no responsibility at all.  We, Thai-Cambodian People Alliance for Peace, firmly resist against wars, that have never been necessary. Wars happen only to divert the public attention away from the real internal political problems, both in Thailand and Cambodia. We resist against the provocation of ultranationalism and militarism that strengthen the army of both countries and create hatred among people. These are instruments for the elites to keep their hegemony. We insist that both Thai Government and Cambodian Government must respect the Peace Deal that is monitored by ASEAN countries in order to guarantee peace and security of the ASEAN region. We, Thai-Cambodian People Alliance for Peace, demand that: 1. Government of Thailand and Government of Cambodia must respect and implement Peace Deal that they already signed now without any excuse. 2. Government of Thailand and Government of Cambodia must stop the fight along the countries’ borderline immediately. 3. Government of Thailand and Government of Cambodia must return peace and security to people living in the borderline so that they can live and work with safety soonest. 4. Government of Thailand and Government of Cambodia must cooperate together and seek cooperation from the ASEAN region at their best to keep peace and to ensure safety and security for people in the ASEAN region. To support the Statement, the individuals, communities, organizations, networks and people’s social movements in Thailand, Cambodian and ASEAN countries sign our names hereunder. Signatories of the Statement 1. Assembly of the Poor, Thailand 2. Thai Poor Act, Thailand 3. Solidarity Collective, Thailand 4. Milk Tea Alliance, Thailand, 5.Singhadang Feminists' Club, Thailand 6. Feminist’s Liberation Front Mekong-Chi-Mun, Thailand 7. Seri Kasetsart, Thailand 8. Feminists for Friends, Thailand 9. Khonkaen Rim-Rail Council, Thailand 10. Khonkaen Homeless Network, Thailand 11. Khonkaen: Voice of Youth (KK-VoY), Thailand 12. 4QUEENS, Thailand 13. The Coalition of Innovators for Thai Youth (CITY), Thailand 14. Union for Civil Liberty (UCL) Thailand 15. NGO Coordinating Committee on Development (NGO-COD), Thailand 16. North-Eastern NGO Coordinating Committee on Development, Thailand 17. Northern NGO Coordinating Committee on Development, Thailand 18. Campaign for Public Policy on Mineral Resources (PPM), Thailand 19. Human Rights Law for Community Project, Thailand 20. Eco-culture Study Group, Thailand 21. Network of People Who Own Mineral Resources, Thailand 22. Northern Development Foundation, Thailand 23. Northern Peasant Federation, Thailand 24. Community Activities Northern (CAN), Thailand 25. Isan democracy movement (IDM), Thailand 26. Consumer Association of Khonkaen, Thailand 27. Act Lab, Thailand 28. Cambodian Grassroots Cross-sector Network, Cambodia 29. People's Action for Development Organization, Cambodia 30. The 78 Water Reservoir Community, Cambodia 31. Kiri Mean Chey Forestry Community, Cambodia 32. Phnom Kriel Protected Area Community, Cambodia 33. Tani Land Community, Cambodia 34. Rotanak Rukha Protected Area Community, Cambodia 35. Youth Artist Team for Community Development, Cambodia 36. The 317 Land Community, Cambodia 37. The 197 Land Community, Cambodia 38. The 175 Land Community, Cambodia 39. Leaders and Organizers of Community Organizations in Asia (LOCOA), Asia eng editor 1 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 21:02 * News * Thai-Cambodian conflicts * Thai-Cambodian People Alliance for Peace (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

41-year-old sentenced to prison for royal defamation over crop top protest A 41-year-old shipping company employee has been sentenced to 3 years in prison on a royal defamation charge after being accused of participating in a protest on 20 December 2020. Phawat ‘Pocky’ Hiranphon was charged with royal defamation in February 2021 after a complaint was filed by Acting Sub Lt  Narin Sakcharoenchaikun, a member of the ultra royalist group Thai Pakdee. According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), Phawat was indicted along with several other activists who attended the protest. The indictment was made on the ground that actions during the protest mocked the King and damaged his reputation. Phawat maintained that they did not attend the protest. TLHR also noted that document presented by the prosecution stated the defendant’s age as 17 years and 4 months when Phawat was 36 at the time of the protest. Meanwhile, except one witness who was a police inquiry officer, prosecution witnesses could not identify Phawat in video clips of the protest. TLHR said today (12 December) that Phawat was found guilty and sentenced to 3 years in prison for royal defamation. He has been granted bail pending appeal. The 20 December 2020 protest was organized by the student activist group United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration (UFTD). Activists wore crop tops and walked around the Siam Paragon shopping mall in response to a royal defamation charge filed against activist Noppasin Treelayapiwat, then 16, for participating in a protest on 29 October 2020 in which he wore a black crop top with the message “My father’s name is Mana, not Vajiralongkorn” written on his back. They also demanded the repeal of the royal defamation law. Several activists have been charged with royal defamation over the protest and found guilty, including Thanakorn and Nattakorn, who were charged as minors and given a suspended sentence of 1 year and 6 months in prison. Parit Chiwarak, Panussaya Sithijirawattanakul, and Panupong Jadnok were also charged with royal defamation over the protest. They have since left the country and are living overseas. eng editor 1 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 20:39 * Pick to Post * Phawat Hiranphon * Section 112 * Royal defamation (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

House dissolution sparks concerns over constitutional referendums The dissolution of the House of Representatives has sparked concerns about constitutional amendment.  As facilitating legislation is still under parliamentary consideration, the required referendums may not be held in time to coincide with the general elections. Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul submitted a royal decree to dissolve the House on Thursday (11 December), and the decree was gazetted on Friday morning (12 December). General elections are now likely to be staged in February 2026, earlier than initially planned. However, draft legislation on the constitutional amendment is still pending in parliament. In the decree published on Friday, the PM noted the many challenges faced by his minority government and stated that the appropriate solution was a parliamentary dissolution and an election. The dissolution came after a chaotic parliamentary session on Thursday night (11 December), in which MPs and senators rejected a proposal that future constitutional amendments be approved by a simple majority in a joint sitting, opting instead to require support from at least one-third of all senators. Parliament voted 312 to 290 to reject the ad hoc committee’s proposal to amend Section 256/28 so that changes could be approved by a simple majority in a joint sitting. Instead, it reverted to an earlier stipulation that amendments be supported by at least one-third of all senators to pass. Several Bhumjaithai MPs joined the vote to reject the committee’s proposal, while People’s Party MPs were in favour of limiting the Senate’s power, as proposed by the ad hoc committee. As a result, the People's Party moved to prepare a no-confidence motion against Anutin's government. In response to the People’s Party’s move, Anutin revealed on Facebook that he submitted a request to dissolve the House. After reports of potential dissolution reached Parliament, People's Party MP Pakornwut Udompipatsakul requested that the House postpone the debate on the constitutional amendment bill and instead discuss motions on referendum questions before the House is dissolved. People's Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu proposed that five questions be forwarded to the Cabinet, using question proposed by Pheu Thai MP Chusak Sirinil, as the time before the extraordinary session ends is limited. He noted that it might be the House's final vote. Parliament voted 494 to 1 to adopt the motion, forwarding the first referendum question to the Cabinet for further action. On Friday, Sirot Patpun, Secretary General of the House of Representatives, revealed that the Secretariat of the House will submit the motion to the government as approved by parliament. General elections must now take place within 45 to 60 days of 11 December, the date of the dissolution on the royal decree, which means the upcoming elections would be on 8 February 2026 at the latest. Referendums must be held 60 days after the cabinet approves referendum questions. The government was planning for the referendums and the general election to be held on the same day. “If the election date is set for 8 February 2026 … the period from the House dissolution to that date is only 58 days. It would therefore be impossible to schedule the referendums on the same day,” said Nutchapakorn Nummueng from the Constitution Advocacy Alliance (CALL) He expressed his view that holding the referendums alongside the general election is unlikely, as the House was dissolved before the Cabinet approved the first referendum question. He raised an additional concern of whether a caretaker Cabinet has the authority to approve referendum questions, saying that while no law explicitly limits a caretaker Cabinet’s power to do so, it could be construed as part of executive power. Permissible in principle, Nutchapakorn noted that it might not be practical. eng editor 3 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 20:02 * News * The Constitution Advocacy Alliance (CALL) * Dissolution of parliament * Referendum Act * Constitutional amendment (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Cartoon by Stpehff: Trump is fired Cartoon by Stpehff: Trump is fired eng editor 1 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 15:11 * Multimedia (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Chiang Rai activist sentenced to 46 years in prison for royal defamation A pro-democracy activist has been sentenced to 46 years in prison for royal defamation, the longest sentence ever given for the charge, after the Supreme Court reduced a 50-year sentence given by the Appeal Court. Mongkhon “Busbas” Thirakot, a 32-year-old Chiang Rai-based activist, was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for 27 Facebook posts made between 2 – 11 March 2021, including messages referring to royal images, sharing video clips and foreign news reports about the Thai monarchy, as well as sharing and adding captions to posts from Somsak Jeamteerasakul’s Facebook page. On 26 January 2023, the Chiang Rai provincial Court found him guilty on 14 of 27 counts and sentenced him to 28 years in prison.  It ruled that 13 of the posts did not constitute an offence under the royal defamation law because they did not refer to a specific person or were not defamatory. On 18 January 2024, however, the Appeal Court found Mongkhon guilty of an additional 11 charges because he used profanity and posted parodies and disrespectful images of the King, which defamed and damaged the King’s reputation in a way which could not be considered general criticism or symbolic display of protest. The Appeal Court also ruled that nine posts referring to King Bhumibol, which the Court of First Instance found Mongkhon not guilty, also constituted an offence under the royal defamation law. It cited a Supreme Court ruling from 2013 that the royal defamation law also covers deceased monarchs. For two other posts which did not refer to specific kings, the Appeal Court also found Mongkhon guilty, ruling that his intention to defame the King was clear. Accordingly, the Appeal Court sentenced Mongkhon to 50 years in prison, longer than a sentence given to Anchan Preelert, who received 43 years and 6 months in prison for royal defamation. She was released on 27 August after becoming eligible for a Royal Pardon Decree issued on 29 July 2025. On 11 December, the Supreme Court reduced Mongkhon’s sentence to 46 years in prison without suspension - the longest ever given for a royal defamation conviction. Mongkhon has been detained at the Chiang Rai Central Prison since 18 January 2024.  He has never been granted bail on the grounds that his lengthy sentence made him a flight risk. Apart from this case, Mongkhon has been dealing with two other royal defamation cases resulting from Facebook posts. In one, he was sentenced to four years and six months in prison, while the other, filed against him by Anon Klinkaew, head of the ultra-royalist group People’s Centre to Protect the Monarchy, is still under investigation.  eng editor 3 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 12:16 * News * Mongkhon Thirakot * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste * online freedom (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Thai Parliament dissolved for elections The House of Representatives has been officially dissolved after a Royal Decree for Parliament Dissolution was gazetted on Friday morning (12 December).  General elections are now likely to be staged in February 2026, earlier than initially planned. In the Decree, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul noted the many challenges faced by his minority government and stated that the appropriate solution was a parliamentary dissolution and an election. The dissolution came after a chaotic parliamentary session on Thursday night (11 December), in which MPs and senators rejected a proposal that future constitutional amendments be approved by a simple majority in a joint sitting, opting instead to require support from at least one-third of all senators. Parliament voted 312 to 290 to reject the ad hoc committee’s proposal to amend Section 256/28 so that changes could be approved by a simple majority in a joint sitting. Instead, it reverted to an earlier stipulation that amendments be supported by at least one-third of all senators to pass. Several Bhumjaithai MPs joined the vote to reject the committee’s proposal, while People’s Party MPs were in favour of limiting the Senate’s power, as proposed by the ad hoc committee. In a statement issued near midnight, the People’s Party noted that Bhumjaithai representatives were on the committee drafting the constitutional amendment bill, but that its MPs nonetheless voted against their plan to have amendments passed by a simple majority without a Senate vote requirement. As a result, the People's Party moved to prepare a no-confidence motion against Anutin's government. Later that evening, the PM posted on Facebook that he was “returning power to the people,” signalling that he was submitting a request for House dissolution and calling for new elections earlier than promised. After former PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra was removed from office, due to a court ruling that she had violated ethical standards during a phone call with former Cambodian PM Hun Sen, Anutin received People’s Party backing to form an interim government on the condition that he dissolve parliament within four months.  Taking office in September, he said that he would dissolve the House by the end of January and hold general elections in March or April 2026. There has been widespread speculation that Anutin would call for House dissolution before the government faced a no-confidence debate, however. He told the media in November that he would dissolve the House if the government were subjected to such a debate, noting that the ruling Bhumjaithai Party led a minority government and would certainly lose in a censure debate.  He also said that if the opposition could not wait until the promised date of 31 January 2026, he would dissolve the House on 12 December. General elections must now take with 45 to 60 days of 11 December, the date of the dissolution on the royal decree. The Election Commission must in turn announce an election date within five days. It is expected that the elections will be held by February 2026. The current Constitution stipulates that if the House is dissolved, any draft bills that have yet to be approved by parliament and King will lapse. According to iLaw, this includes at least 88 draft bills currently under parliamentary consideration. As of 29 October, at least 72 draft bills were pending in the House of Representatives, including the Clean Air Act and the Amnesty Bill.  Significantly, at least 18 draft constitutional amendments under consideration in the joint session will also lapse. Following the election, the new Cabinet may request parliament to reconsider any lapsed draft bills within 60 days from the date of the first parliamentary meeting. On 12 December, Paradon Prissanananthakul, PM office minister, told the media that the Bhumjaithai Party had not betrayed the People’s Party, noting that the Memorandum of Agreement between the two parties did not specify any conditions other than pushing forward with constitutional amendments. He stated that if the party agreed with the ad hoc committee’s majority vote plan, it would not have received support from the senate and constitutional amendment would face a stumbling block. He stressed that his party remained committed to constitutional amendment and noted that the caretaker government would continue to function as normal. In the face of renewed fighting on the Thailand and Cambodia border, the PM also told the media that the House dissolution would not affect the current situation. eng editor 3 Fri, 2025-12-12 - 10:29 * News * Anutin Charnvirakul * Dissolution of parliament (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

Alien Thoughts: On Yer Bike The ‘ungrateful nigger’ trope claims that Blacks in the US should show proper gratitude for their history. The slave trade brought them to the land of opportunity. Slavery taught them the virtues of hard work and obedience. And with emancipation, the superior race graciously bestowed on them the unbounded joys of citizenship – at least as much as they were allowed under the Jim Crow laws. But to expect the full panoply of rights and privileges that Whites enjoyed was another matter. Uppity Blacks who asked, campaigned, or, even worse, expected to be treated as full and equal citizens, were simply ungrateful niggers, intent on shredding the harmonious fabric of the accepted social order. The same thing happens in this country. 25 years or so ago, 20,000 lychee trees were cut down in Nan. The trees belonged to Hmong villagers and neighbouring orchards owned by lowland Thais were untouched; local officials blocked the road to prevent the Hmong from going to defend their property; the then head of the Royal Forest Department Plodprasop Suraswadi, who thought forest protection warranted carrying a sidearm, threatened more destruction; and the police said they could take no action unless the Hmong themselves identified the perpetrators. Well, it was a clear case of racial discrimination. A group of well-meaning human rights defenders came to show support for the cause. As they drove into the Hmong village, they made some telling comments. They expressed surprise that some Hmong houses were made of brick and concrete rather than bamboo and thatch, and that some Hmong even ran shops, and OMG the number of Hmong pickup trucks and Hmong motorcycles! The Hmong obviously should have been grateful to have sympathetic defenders among the dominant ethnic group, but where did they get off showing the same trappings of material wealth that would pass unremarked in a village of lowland Thais? How can the deserving poor deserve anything if they refuse to be poor? People’s Party MP Rukchanok Srinork seems to be on the sharp end of similar prejudice. Young, female, opinionated and no respecter of reputations, she clearly needs putting in her place. The first reputation she savaged was that of the Yubamrung family (though some members now spell it Ubumrung in an apparent attempt to protect the guilty). They had a lock on a couple of constituencies in Thonburi which regularly returned candidates from the political wing of the family optimistically called the Muanchon (Mass) Party. Despite the party’s laughably small electoral successes, Godfather Chalerm wangled a series of important cabinet posts, mainly on the strength of threatening to expose the villainy of coalition partners – he had been a police captain so he may actually have had blackmail material. Muanchon eventually expired and Chalerm led his sons into the Chat Thai Party, then New Aspiration, then Thai Rak Thai and the successor Thaksin parties, then Palang Pracharath (he’d started with the Democrats so maybe he was going for a full house). Obviously a politician of principle. But at least he was not known to be a criminal. Son Duangchalerm achieved notoriety by shooting dead a police officer in a nightclub, evading arrest and eventually getting the case thrown out because witnesses gave ‘confusing’ evidence, without explanation of who had been confusing them. He and his brothers had a telling catchphrase they used in clubs and bars when they accidentally stood on people’s toes or spilled their drinks – ‘Do you know who my father is?’ With a cramped shophouse as campaign headquarters and a fleet of bikes fitted with loudspeakers and campaign signs, Rukchanok went up against number 2 son Wan Ubumrung aka Wanchalerm Yubamrung. And she didn’t just beat him, she humiliated him, by over 20,000 votes. She was sued for defamation by two right-wing TV news anchors because she said that they had been telling porkies from the stage in their former jobs as leaders of the yellow shirt People's Democratic Reform Committee protests that led to the 2014 military coup. The court didn’t go as far as saying that PDRC speeches were bound to be full of lies, but found her not guilty, just expressing an honest opinion. She also faced two counts royal defamation (brought by the government rather than one of the litigious royalist vigilantes). She had questioned the decision to give a licence to produce the AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine to only one company, the royally-owned Siam Bioscience. This time she was convicted and given 6 years but allowed bail to appeal. A challenge by an anti-socialist social media busybody failed, so she is still free pro tem to make trouble. She took on Gun Jompalang over his ties with Deputy PM Thammanat (‘it was only flour’) Prompao and alleged scammer Benjamin Mauerberger, aka ‘Ben Smith’. And she scrutinized the accounts of the Social Security Office and came up with a series of questionable expenditures, from 450 million spent on calendars to an office building that cost more than twice the appraised value. She now faces a new challenge from serial petitioner, former Senator and former MP Ruangkrai Leekitwattana who has asked the NACC to check whether Rukchanok’s assets declaration included the bicycle she campaigned on. Bought brand new, it would cost all of 5,700 baht. Allegations about assets declarations have been a steady source of scandal among Thai politicians, from former Deputy PM Prawit Wongsuwan’s luxury watches worth 41 million to former PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s 4.4 billion in promissory notes. But 5,700 baht? Minus depreciation. And look who’s petitioning. Ruangkrai in 2021 brazenly displayed a Mercedes Benz S 560 and a 25 million baht cashier's cheque, which he said he was given by a ‘kind adult’ when he abandoned Pheu Thai for Palang Pracharath. He later claimed that it was his wife who was ‘kind’ to him. So that’s alright then. But thank goodness she didn’t give him a bike. eng editor 3 Thu, 2025-12-11 - 16:13 * Opinion * Alien thoughts * Satire * Harrison George (Feed generated with FetchRSS)