With Africa facing a critical financing gap the African Development Bank Group and the Government of Zambia on Wednesday urged development partners to reimagine development financing as a strategic investment rather than aid. This urgent appeal was made at the 17th replenishment meeting (ADF-17) for the African Development Fund (ADF) in Lusaka, Zambia. Dr Sidi Ould Tah, President of the African Development Bank Group, emphasised, "This replenishment is not about aid. It is about investment with measurable returns." He highlighted an ambitious framework where each donor dollar is projected to unlock $2.50 in additional capital, leveraging private capital and co-financing. This investment, he asserted, will build resilience and prosperity across Africa.  The African Development Fund (ADF) is the concessional window of the African Development Bank Group. It provides grants and low-interest loans to 37 eligible countries, serving as a vital lifeline for these nations, 21 of which are at high risk of or already in debt distress. Zambia's Acting Finance Minister Charles Lubasi Milupi lauded the African Development Fund's five-decade legacy as "a beacon of hope and solidarity." Highlighting tangible outcomes visible across Zambia's energy, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors, Milupi noted that "behind every figure, every project, and every policy are real people and communities whose lives are being improved through our shared commitment to sustainable development."  This replenishment is not about aid. It is about investment with measurable returns, Dr. Ould Tah  said at Wednesday's technical meeting in Lusaka. The three-day meeting brings together development partners, governments of ADF recipient countries, and the African Development Bank Group’s leadership to define the Fund's priorities, financing framework, and implementation strategies for the 2026-2028 cycle. In his first address to deputies since taking office in September, Dr Ould Tah outlined his "Four Cardinal Points" for the Bank Group's strategic direction. He also laid out the stark reality facing Africa: $1.3 trillion is needed to meet the Sustainable Development Goals, with an external financing gap of approximately $650 billion annually. Dr. Ould Tah said the urgency is both demographic and financial, adding that by 2030, half of the people joining the global labor force will be African, equivalent to about 15 million people every year. “Together, we can deliver a robust and forward-looking ADF-17, one that stretches each of our capacities, builds resilience and prosperity across Africa, and generates clear, measurable returns for every contributor.” Additionally, the Bank Group president appealed for the ratification before 31 December of a change to the ADF charter to enable an 85% market borrowing threshold.  Currently, the charter does not permit the Fund to borrow or lend from non-concessional sources. "Without it, our capacity to serve will be fundamentally limited," Dr Ould Tah underscored. He told the meeting that the Bank Group is convening a strategic dialogue in December with export credit agencies and development finance institutions to establish new partnerships for mobilising private sector investment in ADF countries. The Bank is also integrating financial instruments— guarantees, blended finance, local currency lending, and project preparation—into a unified offering designed to de-risk fragile markets for the private sectors and create tangible investment opportunities. The ADF-17 replenishment negotiations are expected to continue through October 9, 2025, with a pledging session scheduled for December 2025 in London. Looking ahead, Minister Milupi urged the international community to leverage complementary financing mechanisms to amplify ADF's impact.  Behind every figure, every project, and every policy are real people and communities whose lives are being improved through our shared commitment to sustainable development- Minister Milupi "We collectively urge that we leverage other financing windows, particularly those under the climate-finance space, to complement the resources of the African Development Fund," he stated.

General – LNG Deal Equatorial Guinea has signed an agreement with US energy giant Chevron to develop the Aseng Gas Project, marking a significant step in the country’s ambition to become a leading liquefied natural gas (LNG) processing hub in Africa. The $690 million Incentives Agreement, signed by the Ministry of Hydrocarbons and Mining Development, the Ministry of Finance, and Chevron, will unlock offshore gas reserves in Block I. The gas will be channelled to the Punta Europa Gas Complex for domestic power generation and LNG processing at the EGLNG facility. The Aseng Gas Project is the third phase of Equatorial Guinea’s Gas Mega Hub (GMH) initiative, which aims to monetize stranded and associated gas resources from both local and neighbouring fields.

At least six have died in clashes with police after the state cracked down on the protestors Originally published on Global Voices  Gen Z Madagascar logo. Used with permission. For years, Madagascar has faced repeated social crises, primarily due to frequent power outages and water supply cuts in homes lasting hours, if not days. These circumstances have been a source of frustration, sparking fresh protests in the country in September 2025. Most people usually remain quiet about these cuts, primarily out of fear of arrest or reprisal from the government. However, infuriated young people, part of Generation Z,  called for protests through the spontaneous movement “Leo Délestage” (Fed Up With Electricity Cut-Offs). The call for peaceful demonstrations was shared widely on social media, attracting thousands of people to protest peacefully against the daily outages in Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar, and several other regions, and reclaim their fundamental right to water and electricity. The situation took a violent turn with disorderly behavior and late-night unrest, leaving several injured and at least five dead, including two children. Fragile infrastructure In Madagascar, the state-owned company Jirama is responsible for producing and distributing electricity and drinking water to the country's 30 million residents. However, fluctuating water levels during the dry season, dilapidated facilities, and hydraulic dams that do not provide enough water are leaving citizens thirsty and without regular utility access. In Antananarivo, some districts experience several hours of power outages, and many residents don’t receive any or very little running water. Tankers and emergency tankers fall short, and well water, which is often untreated, becomes the only option available. Due to a lack of water, residents line up with their containers in front of public pumps, which only provide a trickle of water and open at set times. Also, the water is subject to a fee: MGA 2,000  (about USD 0.50) for 20 litres.  Containers lined up for water supplies. Photo taken from the Ny vaovaon'ny Kolo TV Facebook account. Photo used with permission. State violence On September 25, 2025, the authorities banned the protest scheduled to take place in Ambohijatovo public park in Antananarivo, but protesters defied these restrictions. Although demonstrations remained peaceful, the authorities fired tear gas and deployed an extensive security force presence, making several arrests. Witnesses report cases of physical violence against the protesters, including online influencers. This TV5 Monde video shows tear gas being fired when protesters attempted to enter Ambohijatovo stadium to protest:   Madagascar: une manifestation non autorisée contre les coupures d'eau et d'électricité réprimée TV5MONDE Info 🇲🇬 À Madagascar, une manifestation non autorisée contre les coupures d'eau et d'électricité a été réprimée par les forces de l'ordre.➡️Au moins 5 personnes sont mortes. 2.9K 240 518 A protester in the video stated: Nous avons besoin d’électricité, les entrepreneurs n’en peuvent plus. We need electricity; businesspeople can’t take much more. The signs that protesters held up read messages such as: “Let us express our rights,” “People are fed up with power outages,” and “We don’t want trouble, just recognition of our rights.”  Protesters holding up signs. Photo: MaybeMatchbox, used with permission Looting and curfews imposed At nightfall on September 25, looting broke out in several districts of Antananarivo. In response, the Analamanga region Police Chief, Angelo Ravelonarivo, announced a dusk-to-dawn curfew from 7 pm to 5 am, to remain in force until calm was restored. Despite this restriction, acts of vandalism continued throughout the night. Looters targeted supermarkets, shopping malls, and banks, taking advantage of the complete absence of law enforcement to loot everything they could. Fires were started in various places, sparking great concern among residents.  Shops set ablaze. Photo: Rossana Lanja, used with permission Reactions on social media Internet users shared their feelings, various images, and pleas for help online. These posts simultaneously reflect their outrage, fatigue, and hopes for youth-led change within the country. This video of a woman, reportedly named Alissa, who is the mother of a three-month-old baby, crossing the police roadblock on her quad bike has circulated widely on social networks, especially Facebook.   Flo Rita Vevavy Mahery fo 🇲🇬❤️ 11K 393 468 Although people praised her boldness, calling her a courageous woman, she was soon arrested. Fitiavana Mickael, a Malagasy influencer who police arrested and released the following day, called for this woman’s release. Je demande également la libération d'Alissa car c'est une mère qui a réclamé la justice. I also demand Alissa’s release, as she is a mother calling for justice. Following this appeal and that of other internet users, she was released. On Facebook, Ohappydeal.mg, one of the vandalized businesses, expressed its sadness over these events: « Ce que j’ai construit en 12 ans est parti en un clin d’œil.
Ça fait mal 
J’accepte ta volonté, Seigneur  » What I built over 12 years is gone in the blink of an eye.
That hurts 
I accept your will, Lord  Many professionals have spoken out, expressing their solidarity, outrage, and even calling for tangible solutions to this crisis. On LinkedIn, Malagasy citizen Lalaina Minah Ranaivomanana posted: Je suis de cette fameuse Gen Z de Madagascar .
Nous avons trimé pour trouver du travail, et lorsqu'on en a eu un, on nous prend 20% de notre salaire. La majorité d'entre nous ont du mal à joindre les deux bouts. Mais nous payons nos impôts de bon coeur POUR NOTRE PAYS.
Nous payons les factures d'eau et d'électricité. Nous essayons tous de donner de notre personne et de faire de notre mieux. Pourtant :
 Nous n'avons que 3 heures d'électricité par jour
 Nous devons attendre 1H à 3H du matin pour avoir de l'eau : une longue queue pour ESPERER remplir nos bidons jaunes
 Nous ne sommes pas en sécurité dans notre propre pays Nous n'avons pas engagé de violence !
Nous ne voulons pas provoquer les forces de l'ordre ! D'ailleurs nous avons pensé qu'ils étaient là pour nous protèger  Nous voulons juste DE L'EAU ET DE L'ÉLECTRICITÉ. Nous ne faisons que FAIRE VALOIR NOS DROITS !  I am part of Madagascar’s famous Gen Z .
We worked hard to find work, but when we did, they took 20 percent of our salary. Although we readily pay our taxes FOR OUR COUNTRY, most of us struggle to make ends meet.
We pay water and electricity bills. We all try to pay our dues and do our best. However:
 We only have three hours of electricity per day
 We have to wait one to three hours in a long line for water, HOPING to fill our yellow containers
 We are not safe in our own country We didn’t engage in violence! We didn’t want to provoke the police! In fact, we thought they were there to protect us  We just want WATER AND ELECTRICITY. We are only ASSERTING OUR RIGHTS!  Also on LinkedIn, Santatra Rakotovao shared how the power outages affect her freelance work, appealing to human rights defenders and international legal experts to monitor the situation closely: Tu t’étonnes que les réunions en ligne depuis Madagascar soient souvent retardées ou même annulées ?
Essaie de pitcher ton client quand la lumière s’éteint sans prévenir. Essaie de livrer un projet quand tu dois d’abord faire la queue avec des bidons parce qu’il n’y a pas d’eau au robinet. Ici, le peuple paie ses factures.
Mais au lieu de services, il récolte coupures, obscurité, soif et VIOLENCE. Et malgré ça, certains osent encore dire aux freelances Malgache :
« Ton travail vaut 200 € maximum. »
Comme si survivre dans ces conditions ne demandait pas une force et une résilience hors norme. À Madagascar, ce n’est pas du low cost.
C’est du talent bridé par l’injustice.
C’est une jeunesse qui devrait créer, mais qui se bat juste pour allumer la lumière et remplir un verre d’eau. J’appelle ici les défenseurs des droits humains et du droit international : regardez de près la situation. Ce n’est pas seulement un problème de factures ou de freelances. C’est une question de dignité humaine et de justice. hashtag#Madagascar hashtag#HumanRights hashtag#StopViolence hashtag#Generation You wonder why online meetings from Madagascar are often delayed or cancelled?
Try pitching to your customers when the light goes out without warning. Try delivering a project when you must first wait in line with your containers because the tap doesn’t have any water. Here, the people pay their bills.
However, they get cuts, darkness, thirst, and VIOLENCE instead of services. Yet despite this, some people still dare to tell Malagasy freelancers: ‘Your work is worth EUR 200 maximum.’
As if surviving in these conditions doesn’t require extraordinary strength and resilience. In Madagascar, this is injustice holding back talent.
Young people who should be creating are fighting to turn on the lights and fill a glass of water. I call on human rights and international law defenders to closely monitor the situation. This isn’t just a bill and freelancers’ issue. It’s a matter of human dignity and justice. hashtag#Madagascar hashtag#HumanRights hashtag#StopViolence hashtag#Generation On September 26, 2025, the protesters continued their march throughout the provinces. In the Antsiranana ou Diego Suarez Province, northern Madagascar, a university student was shot and killed by police. A video of the attack was captured by Fit Prod-Action and was later aired by the TV and radio station KOLO TV. Students from the University of Antsiranana marched towards the town center with the body of their classmate.   Ny Vaovaon'i KOLO TV ‼️🔴𝗡𝘆 𝗿𝗼𝗱𝗼𝗺𝗯𝗲𝗻'𝗻𝘆 𝗺𝗽𝗶𝗮𝗻𝗮𝘁𝗿𝘆 𝗻𝘆 𝗢𝗻𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿𝘀𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗻'#𝗔𝗻𝘁𝘀𝗶𝗿𝗮𝗻𝗮𝗻𝗮 𝗺𝗶𝗮𝗸𝗮𝘁𝗿𝗮 𝗮𝗼 𝗮𝗻-𝘁𝗮𝗺𝗽𝗼𝗻-𝘁𝗮𝗻à𝗻𝗮, 𝗺𝗶𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗸𝗮 𝗮𝗺𝗶𝗻'𝗻𝘆 𝗻𝗼𝗳𝗼 𝗺𝗮𝗻𝗴𝗮𝘁𝘀𝗶𝗮𝗸𝗮𝗻'𝗻𝘆 𝗻𝗮𝗺𝗮𝗻'𝗶𝘇𝘆 𝗶𝗿𝗲𝗼, #𝗺𝗮𝘁𝘆_𝘃𝗼𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗳𝗶𝘁𝗿𝗮. 📸Fit Prod-action 3K 250 302 On September 27, the situation took another turn when President Andry Rajoelina dismissed Energy Minister, Olivier Jean Baptiste. Although this decision was presented as a solution to appease public anger, it wasn’t enough to calm the tensions on the streets. Protesters believe the problem far exceeds a simple change of minister and have continued their efforts. Read more: Malagasy political crisis viewed through the lens of photographer Rijasolo  Written (Français) by Mamisoa Raveloaritiana Translated (English) by Laura View original post (Français)

Source: SADC PF launches consultation on model law for prison oversight -Newsday Zimbabwe  JOHANNESBURG,  South Africa – The Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF) on Monday opened a two-day consultation in Johannesburg focusing on health in prisons and the draft SADC model law on prison oversight. The consultation brings together health professionals working in prison settings, ministries of health and correctional services, civil society organisations, and development partners to contribute technical and professional input into the draft law that aims to strengthen parliamentary oversight and improve prison conditions across the region. Delivering the keynote address, Victor Mhango, vice-chairperson of the technical working group on prison oversight, described the initiative as “a vital step towards restoring dignity and humanity behind bars.” He said the SADC PF’s ongoing efforts to craft a model law on prison oversight were “not only about accountability, but about affirming that the right to health is a human right, not a privilege, even for those who are incarcerated.” “Health is a fundamental human right, guaranteed under our constitutions and international conventions. That right does not end at the prison gate,”  Mhango said. He cited the UN Mandela Rules and the African Commission’s Guidelines on the Conditions of Arrest, Police Custody and Pre-trial Detention in Africa. SADC PF secretary-general Boemo Sekgoma said her organisation initiated the development of the model law in 2024 under its strategic plan to empower national parliaments with a regional legal benchmark for oversight of prisons and detention facilities. She explained that the law seeks to ensure that legislators can demand government accountability in protecting the rights of prisoners including access to healthcare, humane conditions of detention, and rehabilitation. Mhango noted that across Africa, “prisons are often overcrowded, underfunded, and ill-equipped to provide even the most basic health services.” He pointed to overcrowding, mental-health neglect, inadequate support for women and vulnerable groups, and disruption of chronic-care treatment as critical challenges that must be addressed through structured oversight. “A society is judged not by how it treats its most powerful, but by how it treats its most vulnerable,” he said adding, “Prisoners may have lost their liberty, but they have not lost their humanity.” The consultation focuses on integrating health oversight into the wider prison-oversight framework. Participants are reviewing draft provisions of the model law dealing with the protection of vulnerable groups, training and mandatory reporting, and parliamentary oversight mechanisms. Discussions are expected to shape recommendations on funding health care in correctional centres; ensuring access to essential and mental-health services; strengthening accountability mechanisms for prison-health services; and clarifying the duties of health professionals to report abuse and safeguard the wellbeing of inmates. Mhango said the draft law offers “a progressive opportunity to integrate prison health into national health systems, ensure regular medical screenings, and guarantee access to essential medicines and mental-health care in line with WHO standards.” He added that gender-sensitive services, including prenatal and postnatal care for incarcerated women, must be part of this reform. For the model law to make a real difference, he urged strong government commitment and multi-sector partnerships. “We must move beyond paper commitments. Governments must allocate adequate budgets for prison healthcare; ministries of health and home affairs must work hand-in-hand; and parliaments must use their oversight powers to demand compliance with human-rights standards,” he stated. He called, also, for strategies to decongest prisons, including parole, community service, and bail reform, to ease health pressures in correctional facilities. Over the next two days, participants will analyse each clause of the draft model law, provide technical input, and make recommendations for strengthening its provisions on complaints management, oversight mechanisms, and health-professional responsibilities. Their contributions will feed into the finalisation of the model law for presentation to the SADC PF Plenary Assembly. Mhango said, “By adopting and faithfully implementing this Model Law, we affirm that healthcare in prisons is a right, not a privilege and in doing so, we uphold justice, dignity, and the promise of rehabilitation for all.” The post SADC PF launches consultation on model law for prison oversight  appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

 This week, top American policymakers, think tanks, and business leaders are engaging in a series of high-level meetings aimed at redefining Washington’s strategy toward Africa, underscoring concerns that Beijing is fast outpacing the US in influence and investment across the continent. America’s new Africa focus ADVERTISEMENT On Tuesday, October 7, the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee will convene a hearing pointedly titled “Combatting the People’s Republic of China’s illegal, coercive, aggressive, and deceptive behaviour in the Indo-Pacific.” Although centered on Asia, the discussions are expected to extend to Africa’s eastern coast, where China’s footprint is expanding rapidly. From Djibouti to Madagascar, Beijing’s investments in ports, energy, and logistics have strengthened its maritime dominance — and Washington is worried. “China has been a major investor in infrastructure and energy projects, funding and operating ports all along the coast,” the committee noted, highlighting that China’s first-ever overseas naval base, established in Djibouti in 2017, remains a strategic point of concern. According to the Africa Report, nearly a quarter of African nations, including major economies such as Egypt, Kenya, Tanzania, and South Africa, share coastlines with the Indian Ocean. The US views this corridor as critical not only for trade but also for regional security, especially with two major maritime chokepoints, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Mozambique Channel, under increasing scrutiny by China. New frontlines of influence ADVERTISEMENT In what appears to be a subtle shift, Washington is deepening its engagement with the private sector. The Corporate Council on Africa (CCA) will hold its 2026 US-Africa Business Summit in Mauritius, the first time the event will be hosted on an Indian Ocean island nation. Interestingly, Mauritius is one of the few African countries not signed onto Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative. Minerals, money, and influence ADVERTISEMENT Beyond the Indian Ocean, attention will also turn to Africa’s mineral wealth. On Wednesday, October 8, the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and West Point’s Centre for the Study of Civil-Military Operations will host the second annual Critical Minerals and National Security Conference. A key session titled “A new era of minerals diplomacy” will feature Tom Haslett, director of Critical Minerals and Energy Policy at the US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC), who will outline how Washington plans to compete with Beijing’s grip on Africa’s mineral resources, particularly in cobalt, lithium, and copper sectors across Central and Southern Africa. Rounding off the week, International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva will deliver a curtain-raiser address at the Milken Centre for Advancing the American Dream in Washington, setting the tone for the 2025 IMF-World Bank Annual Meetings. For many African observers, the flurry of activity signals that Washington is rediscovering Africa, but mainly through the lens of competition with China. Whether this renewed interest translates into genuine partnerships or remains rhetoric will depend on how much Africa is allowed to define the agenda.

Source: Zambia targets fishing rigs on Lake Kariba –Newsday Zimbabwe  IN a bid to protect the ecosystem and the fish population on Lake Kariba, Zambia through the Department of Fisheries has announced plans to remove all unregistered rigs operating on the lake. The move comes after the number of rigs exceeded the scientifically proven sustainable limit of 250, with more than 1 500 rigs operating on the Zambian side of the lake. Zambia’s chief fisheries officer, Muyangali Kagoli, made the announcement at the Kariba FM Musical Festival, citing the need to regulate the fishing industry and prevent conflicts between fishermen. “Kapenta Fishers SI 109 mandates every rig operating on the lake to be registered and operators should be licensed,” Kagoli said. “The decision to remove unregistered rigs has been made because of the increased number of rigs operating on the lake, which has led to conflicts and illegality. We urge all fishermen to comply with the regulations to avoid any penalties.” He cautioned fishermen against fishing in breeding areas and during the 10-day break, warning that operating unregistered rigs and violating the regulations is a criminal offence. “We will not tolerate any form of illegal fishing on Lake Kariba,” Kagoli said. Lake Kariba is a vital source of fish and hydroelectric power for Zimbabwe and Zambia hence its preservation is crucial for the livelihoods of thousands of people who depend on it. The lake’s ecosystem is facing numerous challenges, including over-fishing, pollution and habitat destruction. According to the Southern African Development Community protocol, the number of fishing rigs on Lake Kariba should not exceed 500, with 275 rigs allocated to Zimbabwe and 225 to Zambia. However, the current number of rigs far exceeds this limit, threatening the sustainability of the lake’s fish population. Siavonga District Commissioner Geoffrey Jakopo has also weighed in on the issue, urging kapenta traders to buy fish using the right channels and avoid violating the law. The situation in Zimbabwe is no different, with the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks) having suspended the registration of kapenta fishing rigs in 2020 due to over-fishing. ZimParks spokesperson Tinashe Farawo recently confirmed that the number of rigs on Lake Kariba has exceeded the limit, leading to over-fishing and depletion of the lake’s resources.   The post Zambia targets fishing rigs on Lake Kariba  appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

 The Bright Villages Initiative is a transformative project aimed at addressing the pressing energy needs of rural communities in Mozambique. This initiative seeks to empower local populations by providing sustainable and affordable energy solutions through the establishment of community solar hubs. By harnessing the power of the sun, the initiative not only aims to improve... [Read More] The post A Sample Grant Proposal on “Bright Villages Initiative: Community Solar Hubs in Mozambique” first appeared on fundsforNGOs - Grants and Resources for Sustainability.

 In British India, the colonial authorities noticed that there were too many cobras in Delhi, causing both health and social hazards. In response, they offered a bounty for every dead cobra. The locals were incentivized to start killing the cobras and claim their bounties, which helped to reduce the cobra population in the city, just as the authorities intended. Soon enough, however, enterprising locals began breeding cobras and killing them to claim the bounties. In response to this new development, the colonial government scrapped the bounty scheme, making the cobras worthless. In turn, the locals released the cobras they had bred, thereby making the overall cobra situation even worse than before the initial policy. In public policy terminology, this tendency for well-intentioned policies to sometimes generate terrible results or even make the situation worse is called the “cobra effect” or “perverse effect”. It is a clear indication that a policy may not be working as originally intended, whatever the good intentions, and usually signals the need for policy review or abandonment. A classic example of this situation is playing out in Nigeria right now where President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s food importation policy that started with good intentions are now generating perverse results by simply strangulating the agricultural sector in northern Nigeria, and by implication, the economy of the region as a whole. By June 2024, when just about a year in office, the combined effects of Tinubu’s fuel subsidy withdrawal and naira devaluation policies had set the economy on a tailspin. Food inflation, in particular, had jumped by 66 per cent within a year, from 24.61 per cent in April 2023 to 40.87 per cent by June 2024. This meant that while the prices of most goods and services were rising sky-high throughout the economy, those of food in particular were rising higher and faster, taking staple foods like maize, rice, and even “common garri”, out of the reach of millions of Nigerians. The situation was so bad that people were talking openly in the national media about hyperinflation, Nigeria’s road to Zimbabwe, and even hunger protests. In response, the government launched the Accelerated Stabilisation and Advancement Plan (ASAP) in July 2024 to address some of these pressing concerns. As a part of this policy, the government announced that it will suspend duties, taxes, and tariffs for the importation of food commodities like maize, rice, sorghum, millet, wheat, etc, and also directly import 250,000 metric tonnes each of wheat and maize to restock our depleted national reserves. This policy, the government said, was to run for 150 days, from August to December 31, 2024. As the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) reportedly said, the federal government would lose an estimated N188.37 billion from the import waivers during this period. Yet, given the spiralling prices of staple foods and the growing discontent against the government, many people thought this direct subsidy to private importers was worth it: the policy will bring food prices down in the short term, and give the government some time to work towards more sustainable and longer-term policies before the 2025 planting season. This is well-intentioned, no doubt. The food importation policy was clearly intentioned to be temporary, with an expiry date of December 31, 2024. But seven months after this deadline, the government has been either unable or unwilling to suspend this policy. But by not returning to a more sustainable and longer-term policy strategy for food security and the agricultural sector more broadly, the federal government is directly generating a series of perverse or cobra effects that are now clearly on course to make the original problem of high food prices even worse.  After all, subsidies hardly ever go away: they are only transferred, and in this case, the government is simply subsiding a handful of billionaire importers at the detriment of tens of millions of farmers across the whole northern region. It is true that the prices of many stable foods have come down, and in some instances, quite significantly from where they were in July 2024. However, the current condition of cheap imports has perversely incentivised the government to retain the policy as an easy way out rather than work towards something more sustainable. One direct negative consequence of this situation is that the inputs for local farming have remained considerably high at the same time as food prices are down. A bag of fertiliser now sells up to N50, 000, as this newspaper reported recently. This amount is below the current price of unprocessed paddy rice, thereby completely disincentivising farming, the only job of tens of millions of Nigerians this part of the country. In other words, by retaining this policy beyond the temporary duration promised, the federal government is effectively punishing Nigerian farmers while subsidising farmers in India, Thailand, and other countries where the imports come from. That cannot be the intent. The second perverse effect is that while food is cheaper, millions of Nigerians have no money to buy it, particularly this side of the country. This is what I have heard repeated countless times by a diverse group of Nigerians, from farmers to artisans, and from traders and civil servants to white-collar professionals across many northern states in the past several months. People know that food is cheaper, but they do not feel the relief intended by the government because they don’t have money to buy it. In the north, agriculture plays dual functions: it is both the source of food and of gainful employment/income for tens of millions of people, which in turn tie rural and urban economies in northern Nigeria organically together. So, if massive loss is the only option for farmers, as it is now, then it affects the entire regional economy. Third, by retaining the importation policy beyond the temporary deadline, the government has disrupted the delicate balance in the agricultural policies of three past administrations in Nigeria. In order to make local food production viable, gainful and sustainable for the long-term, the federal government imposed a 70 per cent tariff on food imports, particularly rice, under Presidents Yar’adua and Jonathan. Buhari went further by banning importation for rice altogether. At the same time, Buhari launched initiatives that kept the price of fertilizer below N10,000 per bag, enabled farmers access credit at below double-digit rates, and helped farmers farm two or thrice times each planting year for most of his two terms. These policies were undermined by the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia Ukraine War, and, because this is Nigeria, massive corruption and racketeering in the administration of some of these policies. Still, the overall benefits of these policies far outpaced the drawbacks as farming communities throughout Nigeria were regenerated and year-on-year food inflation was generally stable, until the catastrophic naira redesign policy of his final months. More importantly, Buhari’s agricultural policies throughout the country, not just the north, are truly among the most important things the APC as ruling party can point to as a core achievement. Unfortunately, the Tinubu government has scrapped most of these policies and found easy comfort in food importation that is increasingly costing the government billions of naira and unleashing real suffering to tens of millions of farmers across the country. Perhaps calculations for the 2027 election make it difficult for the government to suspend a policy that is directly impoverishing tens of millions of Nigerian farmers. But anyone familiar with elections in Nigeria knows that the votes from the northern region come from the rural areas, majority of whom are the very farmers the government is pushing out of business by continuing with this policy. Perhaps the government is wary of the role of hoarders in the food chain or is worried about corruption in the implementation of some agricultural policies. These are genuine concerns in the governance climate in Nigeria. But these are no reasons to throw the baby away with the bathwater. It is time to review this food importation policy.

THE Namibia Green Hydrogen Programme has bid farewell to its founding head, James Mnyupe, who has been at the forefront of positioning Namibia as a ...

 Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja There’s mounting uncertainty over the delayed renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) by the Donald Trump-led US government, triggering concern from some quarters, especially the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).
The UN body has therefore warned that prolonged inaction by Washington could undermine trade stability, investment confidence, and job creation across African countries, including Nigeria, Kenya, South Africa, among others. 
THISDAY’s checks showed that AGOA was signed into law by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on May 18, 2000, as part of the Trade and Development Act of 2000. It was designed to deepen trade and investment ties between the United States and sub-Saharan African countries, granting eligible nations duty-free access to the US market for over 6,000 products, including agricultural goods, textiles and manufactured items. 
Since its enactment, AGOA has been renewed several times notably in 2004, 2008, and 2015, each time extending its duration and expanding its scope. The most recent renewal, signed by President Barack Obama in 2015, extended the programme for 10 years, setting its expiry date at September 30, 2025.
But hope has been dashed as the future of the Act hinged on congressional action to renew or amend it before that deadline did not happen before its expiry. This development is coming amid growing debate in Washington over its effectiveness and the changing global trade environment. 
But in a document assessing the implications of the stalled decision, the UN said the absence of clarity on AGOA’s future was already discouraging long-term business commitments and exposing vulnerable economies to renewed shocks.
The body urged the US Congress to expedite the renewal process, noting that further delays could erode the progress made under the two-decade-old trade pact that has served as a cornerstone of Africa–US economic relations. 
Besides, African governments, businesses, among others, warned that the prolonged US inaction could disrupt trade flows, weaken investor confidence, and stall regional growth.
“Unless the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is renewed, African exporters of agricultural products and light manufactures could face shrinking market access to the United States, undermining prospects for diversification,” the UN organisation said in the document seen by THISDAY. 
A chart showing how the development would impact African nations indicated that before January 2025, Nigeria paid no tariffs (0 per cent) on AGOA-eligible exports to the US. In the same vein, it stated that under the Act, about 35.9 per cent of Nigeria’s total exports to the US benefit from AGOA.
The chart also broke down which sectors would be most affected now that AGOA has ended, including: Minerals and chemicals (71 per cent) —including crude oil and related products, Nigeria’s main export under AGOA. 
Also included are: Metals, machinery, and transportation (21 per cent), which is an umbrella for items like manufactured metal goods and vehicles; agriculture and food (7 per cent) — plus crops and processed foods while, while textiles and apparel, including clothing and fabrics have 1 per cent of the total trade.
According to the UNCTAD report, since its launch in May 2000, AGOA has supported sub-Saharan African exports to the US through preferential access. However, the recent expiry of the scheme, it said, would threaten export diversification and industrialisation across the continent. 
“African and non-African exporters are already facing increased trade barriers in the US market.  Country- and sector-specific tariffs that have been introduced by the US since April 2025 have increased tariffs for the average AGOA country from below 0.5 per cent to 10 per cent. For key exports, such as agriculture and food products, metals, machinery and transportation, textiles and apparel, they have already triggered a double-digit increase in duties. 
“The expiry of AGOA would disproportionately affect Africa’s light-manufacturing exports to the US, namely apparel and agro-food products, such as fish and dried fruits. Without AGOA’s preferential treatment, the 32 countries that received preferences until September 2025  would face a second wave of tariff increases as country-specific and sectoral tariffs would be added on top of most-favoured nation (MFN) rates, instead of the current preferential treatment under AGOA. 
“Due to varying tariff rates and exceptions for sensitive raw materials, African exports of agricultural goods and manufactured products would be subject to tariffs that are 2-to-3 times higher than those applied on fuels and minerals,” the UN organisation stated.
According to the report, exporters of mined commodities are the least affected by the US tariff changes on African goods. 
Countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria or Angola—whose exports are primarily fuels and minerals, the report said, face minimal tariff increases, as their main exports,  already benefit from low MFN tariffs, or exemptions from additional duties. 
More diversified economies, such as South Africa, are less exposed to AGOA’s expiry but have already experienced significant tariff increases this year due to country-specific and sectoral tariffs, the UN added.
“AGOA’s expiry could further hinder Africa’s industrialisation and export diversification. Since most US imports from AGOA-eligible countries already consist of fuels, metals, and agricultural raw materials, the end of the trade pact could further exacerbate commodity dependence.
“Labor-intensive sectors, like apparel and agriculture, could be disproportionately affected, with negative repercussions not only on export diversification, but also on poverty reduction and women’s employment,” it stressed. 
If AGOA is not renewed, nine African countries will face an average US tariff of 15 per cent or more—up from just 3 per cent today, the report emphasised.
“Small exporters specialising in apparel and agricultural products, such as Lesotho, Kenya, Cabo Verde, Madagascar and the United Republic of Tanzania, would be among the most affected, with average trade-weighted tariffs doubling to 20 per cent or higher. 
“This would imply that African exports to the US could face higher tariffs than those from many developed countries. As such, it would be at odds with the commitment to support developing countries’ integration into the global market,” UNCTAD said.
According to the UN body, AGOA exports refers to the share of exports to the US eligible under AGOA and not total exports. 
Although through AGOA, Congress seeks to increase US trade and investment ties with the region, promote economic growth through trade, and encourage the rule of law and market-oriented reforms, the latest efforts to renew it have not been successful. There are currently 32 AGOA-eligible SSA countries, of 49 potential programme country beneficiaries. 
A US Congress document seen by THISDAY showed that in 2024, US AGOA imports totaled $8.0 billion, down 13 per cent from $9.3 billion in 2023. AGOA imports remain concentrated in a few countries and industries, but diversification has grown since the 2000s. 
Crude oil imports stood at $2.0 billion in 2024, and comprised 25 per cent of AGOA imports. Such imports peaked in 2011 with a value of $48 billion, but have fallen partially due to expanded US production. Nigeria was the top AGOA supplier of crude oil to the United States in 2024 ($1.6 billion).
Non-energy imports in 2024 were valued at $6.0 billion. Top non-energy import categories include: Passenger vehicles ($2.4 billion), apparel ($1.2 billion), agricultural and food products ($949 million), base metals ($711 million), and chemicals ($251 million). 
In October 2024, the Nigerian government called for an extension of the AGOA beyond its 2025 deadline. Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, made the call while speaking during the AGOA training workshop organised by USAID and Prosper Africa for stakeholders in Nigeria’s Textile and Apparel industry.
Abbas said AGOA has been crucial in fostering trade and economic development between Africa and the United States by providing African countries access to US markets and allowing them to diversify their economies beyond raw materials. 
He, however, noted that even though Nigeria is a beneficiary of the policy and has great potential to capitalise on the opportunities, many Nigerian businesses remain unaware of the programme, thus limiting their chances of benefitting from it. 
Elsewhere, Kenyan President William Ruto said during the recently ended UN General Assembly: “I will be asking (Trump) for the US to consider seriously renewing and extending AGOA for at least a minimum of five years.” “It is a platform that connects Africa and the U.S. in a very fundamental way,” he added.
AGOA-dependent industries likely employ some 1.3 million people whose jobs are now at risk — in countries where many people have few if any other options in the case of sudden unemployment. 
In Kenya, more than 66,000 people, many of them women, were employed through now-vulnerable textile and apparel exporters to the US. In the garment districts of Kenya’s bustling capital, job cuts and fears over livelihoods have already begun, it was learnt.

 A report by IE University (Spain) highlights the crucial role of sovereign wealth funds in achieving the targets set out in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Mozambique scored 44 out of 100, slightly below the African average of 45, in the first edition of the Public Service Delivery Index (PSDI) — one of the latest studies by the African Development Bank (AfDB) based on 2024 data. Among the five dimensions evaluated, energy and electricity services ranked the highest (52 points), followed by socioeconomic inclusion (49), food sovereignty (43), regional integration (43), and industrialization (35).   Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) are emerging as key players in the global effort to meet the UN’s SDGs, according to the Sovereign Impact Report 2025, published by IE University’s Center for the Governance of Change. Authored by Drew Johnson, Deputy Director of Research on Sovereign Funds and the Sovereign Impact Initiative, the report confirms that these financial vehicles are increasingly channeling capital toward sustainable development, with a particular focus on Africa. It is estimated that SWFs could help reduce the $4.2 trillion annual SDG financing gap through long-term investment strategies. With over $13 trillion in global assets under management, sovereign funds — many based in resource-rich developing countries — have become central instruments for mobilizing sustainable capital. According to recent surveys, 67% of these funds now consider one or more SDGs in their investment decisions, up from 48% in 2022. This shift, the report notes, reflects a broader transformation in global finance, where development impact is increasingly viewed as complementary to long-term financial returns. Renewable Energy for Inclusive and Green Development The report underscores the pivotal role of sovereign funds in boosting investment in renewable energy, which remains the most underfunded SDG-related sector, with an estimated $2.2 trillion annual shortfall. In 2022 alone, sovereign funds invested over $6 billion directly in renewable energy, despite a global slowdown in SWF activity that same year. “Sovereign wealth funds are uniquely positioned to act as patient and strategic investors in sectors vital for inclusive and green development,” said Drew Johnson. “They have the ability to attract private capital, mitigate risk, and provide long-term stability — critical factors in developing markets where SDG financing gaps are most severe.” Africa: Sovereign Funds as Engines of Domestic Growth While Asia and the Middle East continue to dominate in terms of asset volume and scale, the report highlights the growing role of African sovereign funds as drivers of domestic development. Since 2010, 15 sovereign funds have been established in Sub-Saharan Africa, collectively managing around $153 billion. Though modest compared to global giants, these funds — often structured as Strategic Investment Funds (SIFs) — pursue a dual mission: achieving financial returns while simultaneously promoting socioeconomic development. The report also notes the growing use of blended finance models and public-private partnerships by African funds, as well as expanding alliances with development finance institutions (DFIs), private equity firms, and global impact investors. The Sovereign Impact Initiative At the heart of the report is the Sovereign Impact Initiative (SII) — an ongoing project led by IE University in partnership with several African sovereign funds. Its goal is to design and implement a blended-finance vehicle to support projects aligned with the SDGs across the continent. The initial group includes the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA), Ithmar Capital (Morocco), FONSIS (Senegal), and the Sovereign Fund of Egypt (TSFE), with plans to expand to Latin America, the Caribbean, and Southeast Asia. “The Sovereign Impact Initiative is more than just a financial mechanism — it’s a platform for education and capacity-building,” Johnson emphasized. “By equipping these institutions with tools and skills to assess, structure, and scale impact investments, we’re preparing a new generation of sovereign investors attuned to the social and environmental needs of their countries.” A Call to the International Community The report concludes with a call to the international community to engage sovereign funds as strategic partners in sustainable development. Researchers from the Center for the Governance of Change warn that with less than six years left to achieve the 2030 Agenda, both challenges and opportunities are greater than ever. According to Irene Blázquez, Director of the Center for the Governance of Change at IE University, “The Sovereign Impact Initiative is a transformative social-impact project designed to attract committed leaders and visionary minds within the impact investment ecosystem.”  Text: Editorial Staff • Photo: D.R. The post Development Support: Sovereign Funds – The Missing Boost for the SDGs? appeared first on 360 Mozambique.

 President Duma Boko took office in November (AP) On The Ground newsletter: Get a weekly dispatch from our international correspondents I would like to be emailed about offers, events and updates from The Independent. Read our Privacy notice Aid cuts by Donald Trump and an economic downturn have driven Botswana to declare a public health emergency, as the country runs out of vital medicines. President Duma Boko has called in the military to try and fix major supply chain issues, saying that managing the shortages of medicines and equipment will be “highly price-sensitive due to our limited coffers”. “The medical supply chain as run by central medical stores has failed,” Mr Boko told the nation. “This failure has led to a severe disruption to health supplies countrywide.” His government approved 250 million Botswana pula (£13.8m) to buy medicines and is sending in the military to distribute them to health facilities. At the start of the month, the health ministry published a letter saying drugs, including those for high blood pressure, cancer, diabetes, tuberculosis, and sexual and reproductive health, were in short supply. Wound dressings and sutures were also running out. The ministry said at that time that it would postpone non-urgent surgery, including some organ transplants. A spokesperson blamed the shortages on “ongoing financial challenges”, including one billion pula (£55.2m) in debt owed to private health facilities and suppliers. This week the president pointed to inflation of drug prices above what the southern African republic’s central medical stores had budgeted for. Botswana has also been hit by a global slump in the diamond market on which, as one of the world's leading producers, its finances are heavily reliant. This reliance was something President Boko pledged to tackle when he took office last November. President Boko has promised to reduce Botswana’s reliance on diamonds (AP) Botswana does not receive as much aid as some other countries in the region, but it has faced a roughly two-thirds cut in the funding it did receive from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). A third of its HIV programme was funded through global aid, largely from the US, with $55m coming from its flagship HIV programme, the President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief, and another $12m coming via the Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria from a coalition of richer countries. Speaking to South Africa’s SABC News, the opposition coalition blamed the emergency on a lack of planning from the government and said it should have gone through Parliament. “This has compromised our fight against HIV-Aids, it has compromised our fight against [non-communicable diseases],” said Dr Alfred Madigele of the Botswana Democratic Party. “The government has been sitting on this problem since the beginning of this year.” But Phemelo Ramasu, a reporter for the Botswana Guardian, told DW News things had improved since the government took action this week, describing the actions, including the distribution of medicine by the military, as “welcome developments”. This article is part of The Independent’s Rethinking Global Aid project

A week after a jihadist attack on a military camp in central Mali, hundreds of civilians continue to flee the town of Farabougou and surrounding villages. Local and military sources say that soldiers have evacuated their garrison in the town which is some 300 kilometres north of the capital, Bamako. It is now controlled by the militants that claim to have carried out the attack, the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM), which has links to Al-Qaeda. The army says its departure from Farabougou was strategic decision as it prepares its  return. There have been no information available about the number of casualties in the assault. The JNIM is the main group behind a surge in jihadist attacks sweeping across several West African nations, particularly Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. It rejects the authority of the Sahel governments, seeking to impose its strict interpretation of Islam and Sharia in the areas where it operates. Since seizing power, Mali's military government has turned its back on its former colonial ruler, France, and has forged ties with Russia. Mercenaries from the paramilitary Wagner group and its successor, Africa Corps, are now helping the army fight jihadists and other internal adversaries.

 Japan and IFAD Unite to Mobilize Private Sector Against Hunger in Africa Mobilizing the private sector is increasingly seen as a cornerstone in eradicating hunger, malnutrition, and poverty across Africa, where more than one in five people still go hungry. This urgency was underscored today by Shinjiro Koizumi, Japan's Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF), and Alvaro Lario, President of the UN's International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), during their meeting on the sidelines of the Ninth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD9). A Shared Call to Action With hunger rising for yet another year across the African continent, both leaders emphasized that governments and international organizations cannot fight food insecurity alone. "We must unlock the potential of the private sector, and harness its innovation, efficiency, and capital to raise incomes and create job opportunities for vulnerable rural producers," said IFAD President Lario. Minister Koizumi echoed the sentiment, expressing hope that Japanese technologies and expertise would help address the pressing challenges faced by developing countries. Their meeting marks the first high-level discussion between the two leaders, reinforcing the strategic IFAD-Japan partnership to make food systems more resilient, sustainable, and inclusive. A Longstanding Partnership Expands Japan is one of IFAD's founding members and has remained a committed partner since 1977, contributing over US$662 million to the Fund's core resources and ranking as its eighth-largest donor. This historical collaboration has now broadened to include Japan's private sector, aligning business innovation with rural development priorities. Lario used TICAD9 to advocate for greater investment in rural development and resilience-building, describing it as the most cost-effective route to long-term global food security and stability. In addition to ministerial discussions, he also held talks with Japanese government officials and business leaders to explore new opportunities to link Japanese private companies with smallholder farmers in Africa and beyond. The ELPS Initiative: Linking Farmers and Businesses Central to this effort is the Enhanced Linkages between Private Sector and Small-scale Producers (ELPS), an initiative launched under Japan's G7 Presidency in 2023 and implemented by IFAD. ELPS serves as a bridge between Japanese companies and African farmers, promoting collaboration that boosts productivity, income, and access to both local and international markets. Phase one, launched in September 2024, brought together UCC, a leading coffee manufacturer, and Marubeni, a global trading company, to work with coffee producers in Tanzania. With a budget of US$460,000, this stage focused on sustainable farming practices and income growth for nine producer organizations. In May 2025, the first training sessions emphasized good agricultural practices and composting techniques using locally available resources. Women farmers, in particular, expressed enthusiasm for the use of organic fertilizers, anticipating improved yields and incomes. Phase Two: Expanding Horizons in Rwanda Building on early successes, IFAD and MAFF used TICAD9 to launch the second phase of ELPS, this time targeting Rwanda's growing macadamia nut value chain. This stage, running from 2026 to 2027, will support 500 smallholder farmers with the goal of raising farmgate prices by 20 percent through organic certifications, including the Japanese Agricultural Standard (JAS). OSTI Group—comprising OSTI Japan Co., Ltd. and Rwanda Nut Company Ltd.—will invest US$180,000 to provide technical assistance, certification support, and incentives for farmers transitioning to organic production. IFAD, supported by MAFF funds, will contribute US$366,000 toward farmer training, equipment, and agricultural inputs. This initiative also reflects Japan's broader agenda to promote JAS certifications worldwide as part of its commitment to sustainable agriculture. Leveraging Private Sector Strength The ELPS model exemplifies how private companies can collaborate with small-scale farmers to build resilient agrifood systems. Japanese firms benefit from IFAD's trusted role in facilitating relationships with governments and rural organizations, while farmers gain access to new technologies, certification processes, and global markets. For the private sector, food systems represent an investment frontier worth trillions of dollars, with Africa holding enormous potential for growth. Looking Ahead As TICAD9 concludes, the message from Tokyo is clear: the private sector must be a driving force in ending hunger and malnutrition. Japan and IFAD are setting an example by showing how governments, international organizations, and businesses can work hand-in-hand to empower rural producers, strengthen food systems, and contribute to global stability. The ELPS initiative, already yielding tangible results, is poised to become a flagship model for innovative public-private partnerships in sustainable agriculture. Its success could serve as a blueprint for other countries seeking to transform food systems and uplift vulnerable farming communities.

Namibia Green Hydrogen Programme Advances Mining and Green Steel Production  instagram.com

says Zambia must urgently embrace Public-Private Partnerships, separate Zesco into generation, transmission, distribution to cure the inefficiencies and failures of accountability By MUKWIMA CHILALA FORMER National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) engineer and energy expert David Green says Zambia must urgently embrace Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), unbundle Zesco, and reform tariffs if it is to end its recurring power crisis.
Speaking in an interview with Millennium Radio, Mr Green argues that Zesco’s current bundled structure where generation, transmission, and distribution are housed under one entity has created inefficiencies and blurred accountability.
Mr Green said that separating the functions of the unbundled state-owned power utility firm into distinct corporate bodies would align with international best practice and allow for specialised management.
Mr Green, who is now an energy consultant in Zambia through his firm LUSAT, also emphasised that tariff reforms are unavoidable if the sector is to become sustainable.
He explains that tariffs should reflect the long-run marginal cost of generation and distribution, while at the same time protecting vulnerable households through lifeline tariffs and subsidies.
He adds that PPPs are the fastest route to unlocking capital and technical expertise for renewable energy projects, including solar, hydrokinetic, and battery storage systems.
Mr Green has also urged the government to strengthen governance in the energy sector by establishing an independent regulator with powers over tariff-setting, grid access and service quality.
He says digitisation, adoption of Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition systems, and performance-based regulation would modernise operations and reduce losses.
He has warned that the country’s overdependence on hydropower over 85 percent of installed capacity makes the sector highly vulnerable to drought.
Mr Green had stressed the need to diversify into solar photovoltaic plants, hydrokinetic river technologies, and battery energy storage to ensure year-round stability.

ADDIS ABABA, Xinhua: African experts have praised China’s role in advancing the right to development across the continent, highlighting its respect for each country’s unique development path. The remarks were made as the First China-Africa Human Rights Seminar was held on Friday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, under the theme “Building the China-Africa community with a shared future and working together to realize the right to development.” The event brought together more than 200 policymakers, scholars, diplomats, and media representatives from China and Africa to explore ways to advance human rights, particularly the right to development. In an interview with Xinhua, Fredrick Mutesa, secretary general of the Zambia-China Friendship Association, said China continues to engage with Africa and the wider Global South by respecting each country’s governance architecture and socio-economic development path. “China is offering the African continent a real opportunity to renegotiate the participation in the international order based on non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, mutual respect, and win-win outcomes. In that regard, China is playing a very crucial role in helping Africa realize the right to development,” Mutesa told Xinhua. The expert called for concerted efforts among African and Chinese scholars and think tanks to develop a broad strategy to safeguard the benefits of Africa-China cooperation. “You cannot have a continent where over 300 million are suffering from hunger, and we are just a few years from the 2030 goal of ending hunger,” he said. “It is important that we talk about the right to development and also look at who is partnering with Africa to create conducive conditions for the realization of this right.” “China is at the forefront by investing in unlocking the potential of the African continent through infrastructure development and other sectors of the economy,” he added. Balew Demissie, a researcher at the Policy Studies Institute of Ethiopia, echoed Mutesa’s views, stressing China’s role in promoting a diverse approach to human rights while respecting each country’s unique development path. “China advocates for human rights cooperation based on mutual respect, free from politicization or double standards. China sees economic growth and poverty alleviation as essential foundations for realizing human rights, especially in developing nations,” Demissie emphasized. Highlighting China’s positive contributions to promoting Africa’s right to development across various bilateral and multilateral platforms, the scholar said China supports reforms in international institutions to amplify the voices of the Global South and uphold national sovereignty.  

Chief Observer of the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) to Malawi, Lucia Annuanziata, yesterday launched the mission at a press conference held in Lilongwe. She announced that, following an invitation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) to observe the September 16 2025 General Election, the mission’s core team of 10 analysts started its work earlier this month, having arrived in Lilongwe on  August 2 2025. Chief observer: Annuanziata . | Kelly Livimbo “The 2025 General Election is an important moment for Malawi’s democracy. The European Union wholeheartedly supports Malawi in this endeavour. I would like to express my gratitude to the Malawian authorities for inviting the EU to observe the 2025 Malawi General Election, comprising the presidential, parliamentary and local government elections. “The mission’s presence throughout the whole country, in all districts of Malawi, aims to support an inclusive, credible and transparent election process,” she explained. She added: “Our 28 long-term observers are ready to be deployed across Malawi. Working in pairs, they will observe the campaign and preparations for the elections, as well as voting, counting and tabulation, in line with the EU’s well-established and standard election observation methodology.” Annuanziata, who is a Member of the European Parliament, was quick to say that the mission will not interfere with the country’s electoral process, let alone the political atmosphere before, during and after the elections. “The EU Election Observation Mission is bound by a code of conduct which requires strict neutrality and non-interference. The mission operates under a separate and distinct mandate from that of the EU Delegation in Malawi. “It carries out its work in accordance with the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation. It is important to note that the mission will not certify or validate election results. This is the sovereign responsibility of the relevant national authorities,” she stressed. Commenting on the development, Civil Society Elections Integrity Forum (Cseif) chairperson Benedicto Kondowe said the launch is a crucial step to safeguarding the integrity of the September 16 2025 elections in Malawi. “While the mission will not by itself guarantee a flawless election, its presence signals to both stakeholders and the electorate that Malawi’s democratic process is being closely watched  and that accountability will be demanded at every stage,” he said. According to the EU, the 28 long-term observer mission will be augmented by 32 short-term observers, a delegation of Members of the European Parliament and a number of diplomats accredited to Malawi, from EU member-States, Canada, Norway and Switzerland. The mission will issue its preliminary findings in a press conference two days after the elections day and it will remain in Malawi until the completion of the electoral process. The post EU launches mission to observe Sept 16 polls appeared first on Nation Online.

Uganda is the latest of several countries to strike a deportation deal with the United States as President Donald Trump ramps up controversial efforts to remove migrants from the country. In a statement on Thursday, Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that Kampala had agreed for Washington to send over third-country nationals who face deportation from the US, but are unwilling to return to their home countries. The ministry said that the agreement was made under certain conditions. Rights groups and law experts have condemned Trump’s controversial plans to deport millions of undocumented migrants. Those already deported include convicted criminals and “uniquely barbaric monsters,” according to the White House. African countries, such as Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, have accepted similar deals, reportedly in exchange for lower tariffs. The US’s actions are exploitative and tantamount to treating the continent as a “dumping ground,” Melusi Simelane of the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) told Al Jazeera, adding that Washington was especially focusing on countries with weak human rights protection. Here’s what you need to know about the Uganda deal and what countries might be getting in return for hosting US deportees: What did Uganda agree to? In a statement posted on X on Thursday, Bagiire Vincent Waiswa, the permanent secretary of Uganda’s Foreign Ministry, said the country had agreed to a “temporary arrangement” with the US. He did not state the timelines for when the deportations would begin or end. Advertisement There are caveats regarding the people who would be transferred, the statement continued, including that Uganda will not accept people with criminal records or unaccompanied minors and that it “prefers” that Africans be transferred as part of the deal. “The two parties are working out the detailed modalities on how the agreement shall be implemented,” the statement added. A US State Department statement confirmed that Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and US Secretary of State Marco Rubio had held discussions over the phone regarding “migration, reciprocal trade, and commercial ties”. The deal’s announcement came after weeks of speculation in local Ugandan media regarding whether the East African nation would accept US deportees. On Wednesday, Foreign Affairs Minister Henry Okello Oryem denied the media reports, saying Uganda did not have the facilities to accommodate deportees. Speaking to The Associated Press news agency, Oryem said Uganda was discussing issues of “visas, tariffs, sanctions and related issues” with the US, but not of migration. “We are talking about cartels: people who are unwanted in their own countries. How can we integrate them into local communities in Uganda?” he told the AP. A day later, Uganda’s narrative had flipped. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni gestures as he speaks to the media at a joint briefing with Kenyan President William Ruto (unseen) at the State House during his two-day state visit in Nairobi on May 16, 2024 [Simon Maina/AFP] What might Uganda gain from this? The Foreign Ministry’s statement on Thursday did not state what Uganda might be getting in return. Other countries, including Eswatini, have reportedly accepted deportees in exchange for lower tariffs. Uganda has been hit with 15 percent tariffs on goods entering the US, as part of Trump’s reciprocal tariff wars. Senior government officials in early August told local media that the tariffs would disrupt Ugandan exports, especially in the agricultural sector, and that Kampala would enter negotiations for a better deal. Coffee, vanilla, cocoa beans and petroleum products are some of Uganda’s key exports to the US. Kampala is particularly keen on boosting coffee exports to the US and competing with bigger suppliers like Colombia. The US, on the other hand, exports machinery, such as aircraft parts, to Uganda, which imposes an 18 percent tariff on imported products. The US and Uganda have historically enjoyed friendly ties, with the US routinely sending aid to Kampala. However, after Uganda passed an anti-homosexuality bill into law in 2023, relations turned sour, and the US accused Uganda of “human rights violations”. The law proscribes punishment, including life sentences, for same-sex relations. Advertisement Washington thereafter cut aid funding for HIV programs and issued visa restrictions on Ugandan government officials “complicit in undermining the democratic process.” The US also banned Uganda from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), a trade programme that helped African countries trade tariff-free with the US, but that Trump’s tariffs have effectively killed. The World Bank additionally banned Uganda from its loans for two years, although the restriction was lifted this June. Rights activists say the deal on deportees could make the US administration more favourably inclined towards Uganda, but at the expense of those deported. “The proposed deal runs afoul of international law,” human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo told the AP. He added that such an arrangement leaves the legal status of deportees unclear as to whether they are refugees or prisoners. “We are sacrificing human beings for political expediency; in this case, because Uganda wants to be in the good books of the United States,” Opiyo said.“That I can keep your prisoners if you pay me; how is that different from human trafficking?” Does Uganda already host refugees? Yes, Uganda is Africa’s largest refugee host country. It already hosts some 1.7 million refugees, largely from neighbouring South Sudan, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which are all dealing with armed conflict and unrest. The United Nations has, in the past, hailed the country as having a “progressive refugee policy” and “maintaining an open-door approach to asylum”. However, opposition activists are sounding the alarm over the government’s dismal human rights record. Uganda has been ruled by Museveni since 1986, with his party winning contested elections in landslides. Opposition members and journalists are often targeted in arrests. Some report being tortured in detention. Speaking to the AP, opposition lawmaker Muwada Nkunyingi said the US deal could give Museveni’s government further Western legitimacy ahead of general elections scheduled for January 2026. The deal was struck to “clear their image now that we are heading into the 2026 elections,” Nkunyingi said. He urged the US not to ignore what he described as human rights issues in Uganda. Jasmin Ramirez holds a photo of her son, Angelo Escalona, at a government-organised rally protesting against the deportation of alleged members of the Venezuelan Tren de Aragua gang, who were transferred to an El Salvador prison, in Caracas, Venezuela, on Tuesday, March 18, 2025 [Ariana Cubillos/AP] What other countries has the US sent people to? Eswatini, Rwanda and South Sudan have struck similar agreements with the US. Eswatini, in July, accepted five unnamed men from Vietnam, Jamaica, Laos, Cuba and Yemen. Tricia McLaughlin, Department for Homeland Security assistant secretary, described them as “individuals so uniquely barbaric that their home countries refused to take them back”. She added that they were convicted of offences ranging from child rape to murder, and faced up to 25 years in jail. The men are presently held in detention facilities and will be sent back to their countries, according to officials who did not state a timeline. Advertisement Activists accuse the Eswatini government of engaging in the deal in exchange for lower tariffs from the US. The tiny country, which exports apparel, fruits, nuts and raw sugar to the US, was hit with a 10 percent tariff. “No country should have to be engaged in the violation of international human rights laws, including breaching its domestic laws, to please the Global North in the name of trade,” Simulane of SALC, who is leading an ongoing court case challenging the Eswatini government’s decision, told Al Jazeera. The move, he said, was against the country’s constitution, which mandates that international agreements pass through parliament. “What we want, at the core, is for the agreement to be published for public scrutiny, and for the public to understand (if) it indeed is in line with our national interest,” Simulane said. “We further want the agreement declared unconstitutional because it lacked parliamentary approval.” South Africa, which borders Eswatini on three sides, summoned the smaller country’s diplomats earlier in August to raise security concerns about the arrangement. Similarly, the US sent eight “barbaric” criminals to South Sudan in July. The DHS listed them as being from Cuba, Myanmar, Vietnam, Laos, Mexico and South Sudan. They were convicted of crimes such as first-degree murder, robbery, drug trafficking, and sexual assault, the DHS said. The men were initially diverted to Djibouti for months pending a legal challenge in the US. However, in late June, the US Supreme Court approved the move to South Sudan. Rwanda, too, has confirmed that it will take 250 deportees from the US at an unnamed date. According to government spokesperson Yolande Makolo, the deportees will enjoy “workforce training, health care and accommodation”. The country previously struck a controversial migrant deal for a fee with the United Kingdom. That deal, however, fell through when the new Labour government was elected in the UK in 2024. Outside Africa, El Salvador has taken in 300 migrants, mainly from Venezuela, for a $6m fee. Costa Rica accepted 200 asylum seekers from Afghanistan, China, Ghana, India and Vietnam. While many have been repatriated, some 28 people were still in detention by June. It is unclear what the US offered in return. Nearly 300 people from countries like Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, and China were sent to Panama in February. Adblock test (Why?)

Commodities, Vol. 4, Pages 17: Dried Fish and Fishmeal as Commodities: Boosting Profitability for Artisanal Fishers in Namibe, Angola Commodities doi: 10.3390/commodities4030017 Authors: Matilde Elvira Muneilowe Tyaima Hanamulamba Suellen Mariano da Silva Leonardo Castilho-Barros Pinto Leonidio Hanamulamba Marcelo Barbosa Henriques Artisanal fishing is a central pillar of the Angolan economy, particularly in the southern province of Namibe, where it serves as the primary economic activity for numerous coastal communities. However, these communities face significant challenges, including competition from expanding industrial fisheries and inadequate infrastructure at fishing centers, which hampers the storage, preservation, and transportation of catches. These limitations contribute to post-harvest losses and the reduced market value of products, despite the region’s rich diversity of pelagic and demersal resources. This study evaluated the economic viability of artisanal fishing in Namibe under three production scenarios, varying in catch levels and the inclusion of fish processing activities such as dried fish and fishmeal production. Scenario A (pessimistic) assumed a 10% reduction in production compared to the best estimates; Scenario B (intermediate) was based on average reported catches; and Scenario C (optimistic) considered a 10% increase in catches, accounting for seasonal and environmental variability. Results indicated that artisanal fishing was economically viable under all scenarios, with the Internal Rate of Return (IRR) consistently exceeding the Minimum Attractive Rate of Return (MARR) of 7.5%. IRR values ranged from 34.30% (Scenario A, without by-product commercialization) to 106.28% (Scenario C, with dried fish and fishmeal production and sales), representing a more than threefold increase in profitability. This substantial gain underscores the transformative potential of processing by-products into higher-value commodities, enabling integration into larger-scale and more liquid markets. Such value addition supports the concept of a proximity economy by promoting short production cycles, reducing intermediaries, and strengthening local value chains. Beyond financial returns, the findings suggest broader socioeconomic benefits, including local economic growth, job creation, and the preservation of traditional production knowledge. The payback period was less than four years in all cases, decreasing to 1.94 years in the most favorable scenario. By-products such as dried fish and fishmeal exhibit commodity-like characteristics due to their higher commercial value, increasing demand, and potential integration into regional and animal feed markets. In conclusion, diversifying marketing strategies and maximizing the use of fish resources can significantly enhance the economic sustainability of artisanal fishing, foster socioeconomic inclusion, and support the development of artisanal fishing communities in Namibe.

The country’s two major political parties – the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) – are facing renewed criticism for failing not only to field their candidates at Thursday’s presidential debate, but also for missing an opportunity to articulate their policy blueprints. When approached for responses on key issues raised during the debate, including public debt management, relations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), foreign exchange shortages, human rights, and the Malawi 2063, MCP spokesperson Jessie Kabwila and her DPP counterpart Shadric Namalomba offered no substantive answers. Kabwila, who earlier defended Lazarus Chakwera’s absence by disparaging his rivals as minnows unworthy of his time and attention, did not pick our calls nor respond to specific policy questions put to her via WhatsApp. Engaging the masses: Mutharika (L) and Chakwera on campaign trail On his part, Namalomba initially said: “The manifesto says it all. Give me time to package in the manner of your questions,” but never reverted with answers. Political analysts say the silence compounds the damage of boycotting a debate organised by the Presidential Debates Task Force, which drew three other contenders—former president and PP leader Joyce Banda, the UTM’s Dalitso Kabambe and Atupele Muluzi of UDF—to spirited exchanges on debt, forex shortages, and relations with international financial institutions. Political Science Association of Malawi spokesperson Mavuto Bamusi observed that MCP and DPP leaders had “missed a golden opportunity” by not attending the debate. “It was clear from the start that candidates who took the stage benefitted immensely in explaining their visions on managing debt, stabilising the economy and relations with the IMF and World Bank. “By staying away and then remaining mute when given another chance, MCP and DPP risk sending the impression that they are not ready to subject their policies to scrutiny,” he said. Another critic, who opted for anonymity, said voters expect presidential hopefuls to defend, expand and clarify their policy prescriptions in real time. “The refusal to debate and subsequent silence from the spokespersons suggests a worrying reluctance to engage with the electorate on the country’s most pressing challenges,” she said. But governance and human rights advocate Undule Mwakasungula offered a nuanced view, cautioning against overdramatising the absence of the two major players. “The absence of MCP and DPP candidates from the presidential debate should not be exaggerated. Both parties have other platforms to share their manifestos with Malawians. Whether their leaders appeared at the debate or not does not add or subtract from their readiness to govern,” he said, stressing that both parties have long relied on grassroots structures and mass rallies as their core campaign machinery. Mwakasungula also argued that the decision not to engage should be seen as a deliberate strategy, rather than weakness. “From what the parties themselves communicated earlier on, their choice not to participate was deliberate. They questioned the added value of these debates. “Both MCP and DPP are established players with clear campaign priorities, but they have chosen different avenues to articulate them, so that cannot be forced,” he said. On voter perceptions, Mwakasungula suggested that the impact may be limited. “Remember that in Malawi’s political culture, mass rallies and community-level engagements remain far more influential in shaping voter perceptions than these debate platforms. Debates enrich our democracy, but for MCP and DPP, their campaign machinery lies elsewhere among the grassroots,” he added. The absentees’ silence stood in stark contrast to the candidates who did attend. All three largely agreed on the need to restructure debt, repair Malawi’s relations with the IMF and World Bank, and stabilise the kwacha to restore investor confidence. With the next debate coming up within a fortnight, the MCP and DPP must decide whether to continue stonewalling or show up and give voters clarity on their alternative policy visions. The post MCP, DPP absence at debate draws mixed reactions appeared first on Nation Online.