Sven Hegewald
@svenhegewald.bsky.social
1.3K followers 460 following 33 posts
Postdoc in Political Science, ETH Zurich | Political behavior; European politics; Political geography
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svenhegewald.bsky.social
In sum: studying affective polarisation along the urban–rural divide is key. It tells us whether differences between cities and the countryside amount to a full-fledged cleavage — rooted in identity — and deepens our understanding of how place itself fuels political conflict. 7/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Crucially, these affective divides also map onto politics: Urbanites with stronger in-group bias tend to support GAL parties (Green/Alternative/Libertarian). Ruralites with stronger in-group bias lean toward TAN parties (Traditional/Authoritarian/Nationalist). 6/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Residential mobility also matters: Urbanites who grew up in rural areas but later moved to cities are less polarised. Divided loyalties dampen affective divides — helping explain why ruralites are consistently more polarised than urbanites. 5/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Feelings of place-based identity and resentment fuel these divides. The more strongly people identify with their place — and the more they feel it is being left behind — the more they favour their in-group over the out-group. 4/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Using original survey data from 9 European countries 🇨🇿🇩🇰🇫🇷🇩🇪🇬🇷🇭🇺🇮🇹🇵🇱🇪🇸, we find clear evidence of affective polarisation along the urban–rural divide. Rural residents show stronger in-group bias, but urbanites, too, often favour their own. 3/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
We know cities and the countryside differ in voting behaviour and attitudes. But do urbanites and ruralites also dislike each other? We introduce the concept of place-based affective polarisation to capture these biases. 2/7
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Had a fantastic time presenting co-authored work with @dianebolet.bsky.social and @tabouchadi.bsky.social on the political effects of the green transition in rural communities. Thank you very much for having me!
dec-gr.bsky.social
Today, we concluded our two-day workshop on Political Behaviour and Public Opinion. Many thanks to all presenters and participants for the inspiring discussions and contributions!
svenhegewald.bsky.social
I'm not sure how helpful the debate between context and composition really is. After all, composition itself contributes to context—shaping the social and cultural fabric of a place. Even if compositional effects are significant, place as a social identity can still be meaningful.
svenhegewald.bsky.social
TL;DR: Place is not just where we live—it shapes how we think about politics and society. Understanding the urban-rural divide is key to grasping polarization in European politics today. 🏙️🏞️ (6/6)
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Lastly, in a third paper, I show that urbanites and ruralites view each other as opposing groups, tied to stereotypes around class, education, and political attitudes. These perceptions deepen the urban-rural divide and fuel political polarization. (5/6)
🔗 osf.io/preprints/os...
svenhegewald.bsky.social
In a second paper, @dschraff.bsky.social‬ and I develop the concept of place-based affective polarization. Rural and urban groups strongly identify with their in-groups while disliking out-groups, driving voting behavior along the transnational cleavage. (4/6)
🔗 osf.io/preprints/os...
svenhegewald.bsky.social
In a paper published in JEPP, I find that local institutions act as a safe haven for those experiencing place-based resentment. Rural residents distrust national institutions more but maintain trust in local governance, especially in countries with high local autonomy. (3/6)
🔗 tinyurl.com/49zszx9u
Locality as a safe haven: place-based resentment and political trust in local and national institutions
Recently, an emerging body of research has diagnosed a ‘crisis of trust’ in rural and peripheral areas. Yet, the majority of these works overlook local institutions as a potential alternative sourc...
tinyurl.com
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Urban and rural residents increasingly view politics—and each other—through the lens of place. Rural voters often favor the radical right, while urban voters back the new left. This behavior is deeply rooted in place as a powerful marker of group membership. (2/6)
svenhegewald.bsky.social
The urban-rural divide is back in European politics. My dissertation explores how place-based identities, resentments, and affective polarization shape this divide—and what it means for political attitudes and behavior. A short 🧵 on my main findings: (1/6)
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Sure, just sent you an email!📧
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Just wrapped up a fantastic visit to Aalborg University, where I presented my research on the political effects of regional accents. Huge thanks to @dschraff.bsky.social for hosting me and for the super helpful feedback! 🙌
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Out now as open access in the EPSR 🎉
dschraff.bsky.social
Collective societal threats often lead to a short-lived boost in trust towards political institutions. This rally effect, however, is stronger in some contexts than in others. In a new study, @svenhegewald.bsky.social and I show that ethnic diversity of local context shapes the size of rally effects
Ethnic diversity and political trust at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic | European Political Science Review | Cambridge Core
Ethnic diversity and political trust at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic
www.cambridge.org
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Super happy to see this paper published in EJPR 🎉

Using an ‘Unexpected Event during Survey Design’ identification strategy in 🇲🇫 & 🇩🇪 Dominik Schraff and I show a negative effect of the Qatargate scandal on public trust in the European Parliament 🇪🇺

Link: ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/...
https://ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12654
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ejpr.onlinelibrary.wiley.com
svenhegewald.bsky.social
Thanks so much, Catherine!