CBAM already nudges trading partners to adopt carbon pricing. Turkey’s new climate law is a sign. The system’s core logic works: it’s not about EU decarbonising alone, but driving global change.

Fuest is drawing a lot on an example of a single company that may be "forced" to move to Turkey. THe example ignores CBAM’s design: it will expand coverage over time. A temporary loophole doesn’t prove the system is broken; it shows the policy is evolving.

The real hurdle isn’t technology; it’s EU institutions. Without a pan‑European fiscal and data capacity, CBAM can’t fully deploy. The OECD is stepping in, but Europe must build its own data hub to succeed.

Smart supply chains embed metadata into every transaction. Compliance becomes a by‑product of the infrastructure, cutting costs instead of raising them. CBAM’s future is a frictionless, data‑driven system.

G20 moves to invoice‑level VAT and real‑time e‑invoicing. That creates a public data layer that feeds CBAM’s carbon estimates. Verification can be automated, so the image of manual checks is outdated.

Today’s opaque supply chains are becoming transparent. AI and digital passports can estimate CO₂ in seconds. The war with Ukraine increases transparency needs. The cost of compliance falls as tools spread, turning CBAM from a bureaucratic nightmare into a low‑cost, real‑time solution.

I probably should add that I have deep concerns that this dimension is one that has been weaponized as well (think of that presidential history writing on the historical unity of the…). I would like to think that Germany has one of the better ways of dealing with „messy“ history

Added bonus: a week later they may be convinced of the opposite. For a few days.

indeed, the nation needs builders, electricians, carpenters not lawyers and accountants... the only challenge is: soft and hard societal status programming needs to change big time to make that transition happen.

AIPNET gives that map. Use it to target subsidies to high‑spillover nodes, speed green tech adoption, and shape industrial policy. Learn more about the AIPNET on aipnet.io.

AIPNET builds a production‑network graph to spot critical inputs like gallium and track China’s rising centrality. Bottom line: knowing the network lets you move up the instrument ladder—from blunt quotas to precise taxes—just as a monopolist refines pricing with consumer data.

if bargaining power shifts, quotas are better. You need to know the network. Network knowledge is the game changer. The paper shows that better maps of who is linked let policymakers pick the right tool—linear taxes, quotas, or nonlinear schemes—matching shock patterns.

if bargaining power shifts, quotas are better. You need to know the network. Network knowledge is the game changer. The paper shows that better maps of who is linked let policymakers pick the right tool—linear taxes, quotas, or nonlinear schemes—matching shock patterns.

if bargaining power shifts, quotas are better. You need to know the network. Network knowledge is the game changer. The paper shows that better maps of who is linked let policymakers pick the right tool—linear taxes, quotas, or nonlinear schemes—matching shock patterns.

if bargaining power shifts, quotas are better. You need to know the network. Network knowledge is the game changer. The paper shows that better maps of who is linked let policymakers pick the right tool—linear taxes, quotas, or nonlinear schemes—matching shock patterns.