On a recent trip to one of my favourite places on this beleaguered planet, the Kruger National Park (KNP), a few sightings niggled me. One was a tourist with an enormous camera lens, standing on a riverbank, photographing a giant heron. Code of misconduct: tourists in the Kruger National Park push the limits with their irresponsible behaviour at a game sighting. (Photo: Kruger Sightings / David Botha) Another was a merry band of travellers at a close lion sighting with one young woman perched on the vehicle’s window ledge, camera at the ready, her back to the bushveld behind her. And, of course, in both instances it was All About The Photo (and it is illegal and potentially dangerous, with both miscreants completely unfazed by us law-abiding killjoys). advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads Consider recent footage on social media. Kruger-Park-related Facebook groups are awash with photos of tourists engaging in irresponsible, often illegal, behaviour such as getting out of their cars, driving off-road, speeding or cramming around sightings. A furious Nick Kleer, professional safari guide and wildlife photographer, vented on Instagram at the sight of dozens of open safari vehicles crowding the banks of the Mara River in the Serengeti, blocking the crucial migratory and escape path of wildebeest crossing the crocodile-infested waters (some of them, with nowhere to go, fell back into the river). And, crammed in front of and on top of the vehicles, were dozens of camera-wielding tourists excitedly waiting to film the carnage. A famous crossing point along the Mara River called 'The Peninsula', or 'U'. It sees some dramatic and dusty crossings — in each direction — each year. It is also one of the crossing points that has historically been really badly affected by cars from the Maasai Mara National Reserve side. (Photo: Adam Bannister Wildlife) Other footage, by professional guide, photographer and guide trainer, Adam Bannister, shows a huge number of game-viewing vehicles thundering across the Mara plains in an insane race for prime parking at a river crossing, so guests can witness the legendary Great Migration. And then, who has not seen the astonishing footage from Botswana of the enraged elephant bearing down on tourists in a too-close mokoro? That is not the astounding part. Rather, it is the surreal sight of tourists filming the incident as the tusker literally bore down on them, upending the vessel in protective fury. And still they filmed… advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads This is where we are now — wildlife viewed as entertainment. The ultimate goal? Content creation — often accompanied by bad behaviour — to garner ever more “likes” and “shares” on social media. Bannister laments the trend where anyone with a camera or smartphone either wants to mimic or better the photos of wild animals that flood social feeds. “Social media has badly damaged wildlife, and our appreciation and respect for wildlife. And there are a handful of wildlife photographers who have also played a large part in destroying ethical wildlife viewing. Social media has changed animals from sentient beings that were to be respected, into Instagram cannon fodder. They are objects that are there for likes and shares; things that get you noticed.” He says the original African safari bucket list, the Big Five, is no longer about just sightings of animals. “It has now evolved from seeing a lion into now seeing a lion doing something that you know Instagram and TikTok will respond to, something that will trigger the algorithm.” An off-road tourist brazenly engages with a lioness by sticking his arm out his open window for a close-up photo opportunity in the Kruger Natioal Park. (Photo: Kruger Sightings / Facebook) South African National Parks (SANParks), the governing body of the Kruger National Park, has noted with concern the increase in unlawful behaviour. Rey Thakhuli, general manager of communications, told Daily Maverick: “We have seen this irresponsible behaviour by visitors, and this is a worrying factor, which we discourage. This is more like one signing their death warrant, particularly those getting out their vehicles in an area full of wild animals. “The importance of responsible behaviour cannot be overemphasised. Those who would like to report unbecoming behaviour should be willing to write a statement and provide photographic or any type of evidence, if possible, so action can be taken.” advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads There is no denying it: wildlife tourism in Africa is a multibillion-dollar industry, and the dollar-wielding tourists keep on coming on trains, planes and automobiles (and yes, even Uber Safaris are now a thing). More and more of them are flocking to areas that are increasingly under strain from overtourism, greed and lack of respect. They also bring with them huge expectations, as glossy websites tempt them with magnificent pictures of magnificent animals in magnificent settings. Many are beguiled into believing that the game sightings will be exclusively theirs to witness. The clamouring for footage of wild animals is also just part of the multi-layered, complicated issue that is conservation, which needs a multi-pronged approach to resolve. At the heart of it is land management, which is crucial for the protection of wilderness areas by balancing human use (local communities, poaching, development, tourism etc) with conservation goals. Three’s a crowd, four’s a traffic jam. Users rave about motorhomes and their inbuilt comfort, coffee on the go and elevated viewing, but it’s a less positive experience for others whose views are blocked by the large frames. (Photo: Robyn von Gesau ) Conservationists and developers are no doubt paying close attention this month to a David vs Goliath scenario playing out in a Kenyan courtroom where a conservation activist will hear whether his bid to stop the controversial luxury Ritz-Carlton, Maasai Mara Safari Camp’s scheduled opening is successful. Meitamei Olol Dapash, from the Maasai Education, Research and Conservation Institute, argues that the development obstructs a vital migration corridor between Maasai Mara and Tanzania’s Serengeti. advertisement Don’t want to see this? Remove ads An online petition platform says the development would “irreversibly damage critical wildlife pathways and disrupt the delicate balance that has existed for centuries between the Maasai people and the animals they have protected”. It accuses this project of prioritising “luxury profits over ecological survival and cultural sovereignty”. Dave Hamman, a concession owner and operator at Botswana’s Chitabe Camp, likens the current situation in the safari industry to “a whirlpool”. “Gone are the days when most people who came to the bush were interested in the bush, when they were birders and adventurers. Now the most important thing is whether there is a coffee machine and what the menu is. Everything has changed.”  Adam Bannister and members of the guiding team at ‘The Hilldana’, a small lodge in the Taita Hills of southeastern Kenya. (Photo: Adam Bannister Wildlife) And with it so has, in many places, the quality of guiding. “As more and more people head to wilderness areas, marginal operations spring up. But often, these in turn employ less experienced guides, many of them also in search of more ‘likes’, and so the whirlpool starts — and it is hard to get off. One thing pushes the other, and you get lower and lower and closer to the drain.” It’s no secret that many guests place immense pressure on safari guides — with offers of huge tips as leverage — to deliver more and more, to go off-road, to chase game, always in pursuit of footage. “I get it all the time,” said Bannister. “I've now been a guide for almost 20 years, and I feel confident in myself and my role as a professional to be able to say no. I believe I can get myself out of almost all situations. However, in my time with guide training and with guides, especially those who are new, that’s where the real issue starts because they don’t yet have that confidence and ability to say ‘no’ to a guest. That takes time to develop and instil.” He adds that a big problem in a lot of reserves are private guides who accompany tour parties. They rely on social media for business and deliberately seek out the least experienced local guides — someone that they can manipulate or pressure. They don’t want someone who is strong enough to say ‘no’. And all too often it is money that talks, where guests will offer to pay any fines the reserve guides may be subject to, even offering to “speak to the owners of the camp, we’ll make it our fault”. Hamman says they have strict protocols in place at Chitabe with their guides, all of whom have a deep sense of ethical game viewing, and why, in the long run, it is for the benefit of all. “We’ve always said to our guides: you are in charge of that vehicle. And we will support you 100% if a guest complains that you refused a request.” For Hamman the number one rule for a guide is “respect” — primarily for the animal and the environment. And if that means a guide feels a vehicle is disturbing a sighting — particularly where cubs are involved — the guides will make a “do not disturb” call. Respect, however, does not start and end with the guides. It starts with each person who encounters a wild animal or enters a wilderness space. As ethical game viewing becomes ever more topical, part of Bannister’s mission is to encourage more honest footage. “I find a very bizarre scenario unfolding whereby people are no longer really telling the truth on social media. They are trying to just encapsulate this idea of ‘Oh well, I’m the only one with this tiger; I’m the only one watching this crossing,’ but they’re not. They are trying to give the perception that they are there alone, so no one is really showing the truth. “My big drive is to try to start encouraging people, especially those with influence from a social media point of view, to start showing the truth, instead of showing just the leopard sitting on the rock. Zoom out and show the hundred cars looking at the leopard on the rock. Because, although it doesn’t make a great image of a beautiful leopard, it makes a very realistic image of what is going on in the year 2025.” A fingers-crossed byproduct of the social media exposure has been announcements by both Kenyan and Tanzanian authorities for action plans to streamline park regulations, improve visitor management, enforce disciplinary action against tour operators and guides violating rules, and launch awareness campaigns. It remains to be seen how this plays out. Decades ago, at a distant high school desk, I had the words of Wordsworth, who loved to wander among daffodils, drilled into me: “The world is too much with us”, where he mourns the modern world’s obsession with “getting and spending”, materialism over nature. That was in 1802. It is 223 years later. We need to stop and smell the grassy scent of elephant dung instead of careening over it and killing the dung beetles. We need to feel the thrill of the steady gaze of a wild animal through our eyes and not a camera lens. And we need to educate, through and with respect, that less can mean a whole lot more when it comes to game viewing and safaris. DM *Rey Thakhuli of SANParks says: It is unfortunate our law enforcement officials cannot always be everywhere due to the size of the Kruger Park. To assist us, people must make use of our emergency numbers 013 735 0197 or 076 801 9679 to report any infringement of rules. Staff will alert the closest law enforcement so offenders can be caught in the act. Alternatively, report the matter to the nearest camp reception/ranger station. Robyn von Geusau is a Cape Town-based writer who heads north to the bushveld as often as possible.

 A pharmacist holds a vial of lenacapavir, described as a "breakthrough" HIV prevention drug, at a research site in South Africa. Nardus Engelbrecht/AP Five months after a "breakthrough" HIV prevention drug got approval in the United States and became available in many wealthy countries, it's getting rolled out in two African countries hit especially hard by the disease. On Wednesday, the U.S. State Department announced that Eswatini and Zambia have each received 500 doses of lenacapavir, a drug manufactured by Gilead Sciences that's been hailed as by Science as a "breakthrough." Just two injections a year provide near-complete protection against an HIV infection. "This is somewhat unprecedented, to see an innovation in global health move this fast to low- and middle-income countries," says Mitchell Warren, the executive director of AIDS Vaccine Advocacy Coalition (AVAC), a global HIV prevention organization. "Obviously very small supplies, really just a down payment, but they're the first of what we think to be many doses in these two countries and in other countries." The delivered doses mark the first small step toward providing at least 2 million doses to the highest burden countries, largely in Africa, by 2028. That's the goal of the Global Fund, a major donor to combating HIV, tuberculosis and malaria, along with Gilead Sciences and the State Department. But the breakthrough drug arrives "just as we've seen some of the most dramatic political and economic challenges in the AIDS response," says Warren. In addition to likely increasing the overall HIV burden because of disrupted care, Warren says the Trump administration's foreign aid cuts have damaged some of the very systems and programs best positioned to deliver lenacapavir to the people most in need of protection. "We are starting from a deficit that we didn't have to, that was a making entirely of the U.S. government's own." Rapid delivery The State Department announced its investment in lenacapavir in September, pledging to provide up to 2 million doses by 2028. "We think we're going to hit that target sometime in mid- to early 2027 [and] we're going to be procuring more than half a million doses collectively next year," said Jeremy Lewin, a senior official for Foreign Assistance, Humanitarian Affairs and Religious Freedom at the State Department, at a press briefing this week. The 500 doses are being provided by Gilead at cost, with no profit going to the company, according to CEO Daniel O'Day. The company plans to cover up to 2 million doses total before licensed generic manufacturers get up and running, but it's not clear how many doses they currently have on hand. "We do have supply to send to markets when they have the appropriate regulatory approval, and replenishment for Eswatini and Zambia," he said in the briefing. Since FDA gave lenacapavir the thumbs up in June (followed by World Health Organization and European Medicines Agency in July), Gilead has been applying for regulatory approvals across sub-Saharan Africa. So far, Zambia and South Africa have approved the drug (Lewin said the U.S. was not planning to fund doses of lenacapavir to South Africa, which would be encouraged "to fund doses for their own population." Eswatini's ministry of health issued a separate import authorization, their version of approval. Where will the drug go next? The company has filed for approval in Botswana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe, with more in the works, said O'Day. "We continue to prioritize 18 high burden countries representing 70% of the HIV epidemic." Of course, delivery is only the first step. To curb the epidemic, doses, which are injected into the abdomen or thigh, have to get to the people who need them. Health ministries will be primarily responsible for that. But in many cases, governments have relied on community organizations and non-governmental organizations for help. Lewin, of the State Department, said that's part of the U.S. America First Global Health Strategy's effort to boost national government's "self-reliance." Still, many health systems have relied on outside organizations that have been defunded or diminished by the Trump administration's foreign aid cuts, says Warren. That includes one his organization, AVAC, helped implement. The program was aimed at boosting health systems capacity to deliver injectable HIV drugs, like lenacapavir, which can be trickier to distribute than pills. It was frozen in January, he says, and hasn't gotten back up to full speed. "If you don't have the program that meets people where they are, then those doses aren't going to get used," says Warren. "There's a lot of history of global health products that everyone thinks are exciting, and then they sit in store rooms because we didn't build the program to deliver them."

The Court of Appeal has dismissed the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority’s challenge to paying compensation to the Bobete community in Thaba-Tseka. Photo: Sechaba Mokhethi • The Court of Appeal has ordered the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority to pay compensation owed since 2013 to more than 600 villagers in Bobete whose livelihoods were disrupted by construction of the Katse Dam. • The court ruled that the authority cannot use internal policies and consultants reports to override its constitutional duty to compensate communities, and condemned its failure to consult villagers before unilaterally stopping payment in 2013. • The authority has 90 days to pay. The Lesotho Highlands Development Authority (LHDA) has lost its fight to avoid paying long-overdue compensation to the Bobete community in Thaba-Tseka. On 7 November, the Court of Appeal dismissed LHDA’s challenge and upheld a High Court order compelling it to pay. The ruling forces the LHDA to release a “second and final tranche” of compensation, owed since 2013 to the U Khopo Maliba-Matšo Society, which means “You are cruel, Maliba-Matšo river”. The river is the waterway to the dam. The group of more than 600 villagers had their livelihoods disrupted by the construction of the Katse Dam under the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). Chief Justice Sakoane ruled that the LHDA cannot rely on internal policies or technical reports to override its constitutional and statutory duty to compensate communities affected by dam construction and diminished river flows. That obligation, the court held, arises from the Constitution, the LHWP Treaty, and the LHDA Order, and is not a matter of bureaucratic discretion. A legal duty, not a policy choice Villagers in Bobete lost access to vital communal resources that include riverine ecosystems, firewood, fish, wild vegetable and medicinal plants, and grazing land after the construction of the Katse and Mohale dams. The LHDA paid a first tranche of compensation for “presumed losses” in 2003/4. Its own policy required a second tranche after a ten-year review in 2013. But the LHDA unilaterally stopped the 2013 payment, citing a consultant’s monitoring report that claimed there was “no evidence” of compensable losses. The court found this defence unlawful and fundamentally misguided since a policy cannot replace constitutional rights. Justice Sakoane anchored the judgment in three binding legal obligations: the Constitution’s requirement for full and prompt compensation when people’s property or livelihoods are affected; the LHWP Treaty’s guarantee that communities must not see their living standards fall below pre-project levels; and the LHDA’s statutory duty to compensate and assist all people displaced or harmed by the project. Unilateral decisions A central flaw was LHDA’s failure to consult the community. The consultant’s report revealed that no village meeting took place in Bobete, because the community had not been properly notified. “Its [LHDA] decision to discontinue compensation without meaningful engagement of the affected communities was, therefore, not only procedurally unfair but also substantively unlawful,” said Court of Appeal Judge President Kananelo Mosito. The court condemned LHDA’s “elitist and unilateralist” approach. Chief Justice Sakoane said fairness demanded that the villagers should have been heard and given the opportunity, perhaps with expert assistance, to challenge the high-level technical reports that formed the basis for denying them compensation. The LHDA also failed to fulfil the statutory requirements of the LHDA Order, which obliges it to submit compensation-related proposals to the minister for approval. The court found no evidence that the decision to stop compensation was ever put to the minister for approval. The Bobete community was not even informed of LHDA’s decision to discontinue payment; they discovered it only through court papers when the LHDA submitted its answering affidavits. “Compensation delayed is compensation denied” The court found that compensation due in 2013 was still outstanding over a decade later, violating the Constitution’s requirement of prompt payment. President Mosito noted that a decade-late payment is, “in practical terms, compensation denied”. The court emphasised that this delay inevitably impacted the standard of living of the society’s members, contrary to the foundational principle of the LHWP Treaty and Act that compensation should maintain pre-project living standards. The appeal was dismissed with costs, upholding the high court order. LHDA now has 90 days to pay the Bobete community what they have been owed for more than a decade. The amount to be paid is yet to be known.   TOPICS:  Water © 2025 GroundUp. This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. You may republish this article, so long as you credit the authors and GroundUp, and do not change the text. Please include a link back to the original article. We put an invisible pixel in the article so that we can count traffic to republishers. All analytics tools are solely on our servers. We do not give our logs to any third party. Logs are deleted after two weeks. 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• The ‘Extraordinary Committee’ of independent experts – appointed by President Ramaphosa – submits the G20’s first-ever report on global inequality today • The Committee above all urges the creation of a new ‘International Panel on Inequality’ to inform policymaking internationally and by governments – inspired by the IPCC • New analysis published in the report shows that between 2000 and 2024, the world’s top 1% captured 41% of all new wealth, while just 1% went to the bottom 50%, amid growing concerns about democratic capture associated with wealth concentration The “Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality” – commissioned by President Cyril Ramaphosa for South Africa’s Presidency of the G20 – today unveiled the first-ever report on inequality to the G20. The Committee is chaired by Nobel Prize-winning economist Professor Joseph Stiglitz and joined by five other leading global experts. The report follows consultation with leading economists and inequality experts across the world. The Committee’s key recommendation is the creation of a new international and independent panel – inspired by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) – that would monitor trends and assess its drivers and consequences and evaluate alternative policies for addressing it, to inform governments,  policy makers, and the international community. Their report offers a snapshot of the forces giving rise to inequality and the state of inequality. It comes amid heightening concern about ‘the global increase in incomes and wealth at the upper end of the scale’ and the increasing challenges large parts of the population face in making ends meet. In analyzing  policies that could help to alleviate inequality, the report focuses particularly at the international level, including to rein in corporate concentration and efforts to reform the international tax architecture that are already on the G20 agenda . The President of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa: “This report, which is a blueprint for greater equality, supports the goal of South Africa’s G20 Presidency to put inequality on the international agenda. Inequality is a betrayal of people’s dignity, an impediment to inclusive growth and a threat to democracy itself.  Addressing inequality is our inescapable generational challenge. This report lays out prudent and pragmatic steps we can take to reduce it.  “I congratulate Professor Stiglitz and his Extraordinary Committee of such renowned experts for this effort. I am looking forward to discussing this report at the G20 Leaders’ Summit in Johannesburg.”  Professor Joseph Stiglitz (USA), Nobel laureate in economics: “It is an honor for us to present this report to President Ramaphosa, and to the G20. The available evidence on inequality should concern leaders everywhere. The world understands that we have a climate emergency; it’s time we recognize that we face an inequality emergency too. It isn’t just unfair and undermining societal cohesion – it’s a problem for our economy and our politics too. Our committee felt strongly that some of the worst effects of inequality are on democracy. “The Committee’s work showed us that inequality is a crisis in need of concerted action. The necessary step to taking this action is for policymakers, political leaders, the private sector, journalists and academia to have accurate and timely information and analysis of the inequality crisis. This is why our recommendation above all is for a new International Panel on Inequality. It would learn from the remarkable job the IPCC has done for climate change, bringing together technical expertise worldwide to track inequality and assess what is driving it”. The report reviews and compares the latest data on the state of inequality, revealing: • 83% of all countries, accounting for 90% of the world’s population, meet the World Bank’s definition of high inequality. Countries with high inequality are seven times more likely to experience democratic decline than more equal countries. • The richest 1% captured 41% of new wealth since the year 2000, while the bottom 50% of humanity have increased their wealth by just 1%, using data from the World Inequality Lab. This means that the richest 1% have seen their average wealth rise by US$1.3m, while the bottom 50% have seen their wealth rise by just US$585 over the same period, in constant 2024 dollars. • Inequality between all individuals in the world has fallen in recent decades largely due to income growth in China, but the prospects for further reductions are uncertain. The overall income gap between Global North and Global South countries remains very high. • New data on the major increase in inherited wealth shows $70 trillion of wealth is expected to be handed down to heirs over the coming ten years, a major challenge to social mobility, fairness and equality of opportunity. The Committee highlights how inequality, particularly in the extremes, has many negative economic, political and societal outcomes, each interacting with the other in ways that exacerbate the adverse effects. High wealth inequality in particular undermines both democracy and economic progress. Recent events since 2020, including COVID-19, the Ukraine war and new tariffs and trade disputes since the beginning of 2025 are creating a ‘perfect storm’ which is further increasing poverty and inequality. One in four people worldwide now regularly skip meals, whilst billionaire wealth has now hit the highest level in history. The Report highlights how different policies could help to reduce inequality at the national and international levels, and notes the role that the G20 can play in facilitating global coordination: • Reforming international economic rules – redesigning intellectual property rules (especially relating to pandemics and climate change), rewriting tax rules to ensure fair taxation of multinationals and the ultra-wealthy (noting the UN Tax Convention). • National action – that can include exploring the roles of pro-worker regulation, reducing corporate concentration, taxing large capital gains, investing in public services, and more progressive tax and expenditure policies. • New models for cooperation – especially given current geopolitical volatility, exploring new efforts between countries, for instance on taxes, trade and the green transition. The Committee’s priority proposal for an IPI would be a ‘permanent legacy of the South African Presidency of the G20’. The technical body, centred on data and policy-relevant analysis, would be backed by ‘champion countries, with multilateral agencies as key stakeholders’. The six independent experts are Professor Joseph E. Stiglitz (USA); Dr Adriana E. Abdenur (Brazil); Ms Winnie Byanyima (Uganda); Professor Jayati Ghosh (India); Professor Imraan Valodia (South Africa); and Dr Wanga Zembe-Mkabile (South Africa). [End] Experts Professor Joseph Stiglitz (USA): a Nobel laureate in economics, university professor at Columbia University and chief economist of the Roosevelt Institute. Dr Adriana E. Abdenur (Brazil): a Brazilian social scientist, former Special Advisor in International Affairs in the office of President Lula of Brazil, co-founder of the Brazilian think tank Plataforma CIPÓ, and current co-President of the Global Fund for a New Economy (GFNE). Ms Winnie Byanyima (Uganda): Executive Director of UNAIDS and an Under-Secretary General of the United Nations, Convenor of the Global Council on Inequality, AIDS and Pandemics, and co-founder and co-chair of the People’s Medicines Alliance Professor Jayati Ghosh (India): Professor, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, and Co-Chair, International Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation Professor Imraan Valodia (South Africa): Professor of Economics, Pro Vice-Chancellor: Climate, Sustainability and Inequality, and Director of the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand (WITS) Dr Wanga Zembe-Mkabile (South Africa): Professor at the UWC School of Public Health and Senior Specialist Scientist  of the South African Medical Research Council. Notes to editors The President of South Africa will host a launch of the G20 Extraordinary Committee’s report in South Africa on 4 November 2025.  At the South Africa 2025 Joburg Summit, the Extraordinary Committee has been formally invited to present the report to the G20’s Leaders Meeting. The G20 “Extraordinary Committee of Independent Experts on Global Inequality” is – as part of the G20 Sherpa Track – a special project located in the G20 Sherpa’s Office, in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) of South Africa. The G20 comprises 19 countries including: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Türkiye, United Kingdom, and United States and two regional bodies, namely the European Union and the African Union. 1 G20 Global Inequality Report Summary 2 G20 Global Inequality Report Full and Summary 3 G20 Global Inequality Report  Technical note

Africa is expected to see a massive population boom in the next several decades. At the same time, the United States, China and European nations are pulling back their presence there in terms of aid, trade and investment. In this episode, the Opinion columnist Lydia Polgreen speaks with the former Times correspondent and bureau chief Howard French about the challenges facing Africa, the risk for global powers if they disengage from the continent and one 20th-century African leader’s vision for Black self-reliance that feels especially relevant today. Africa Is Rising. The World Shouldn’t Turn Its Back. Lydia Polgreen speaks to the former New York Times bureau chief Howard W. French about the cost of not engaging with Africa. Below is a transcript of an episode of “The Opinions.” We recommend listening to it in its original form for the full effect. You can do so using the player above or on the NYTimes app, Apple, Spotify, Amazon Music, YouTube, iHeartRadio or wherever you get your podcasts. Subscribe to The Times to read as many articles as you like. Lydia Polgreen is an Opinion columnist.

 A man in a suit stands below a golden symbol of Africa on the wall. Five green flags are to his left. A security guard stands at the entrance of the main plenary hall at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on Feb. 18, 2024. Michele Spatari/AFP via Getty Images When Cameroon’s 92-year-old president, Paul Biya, declared victory recently in his eighth election, the African Union issued a blandly worded statement of congratulations, largely passing over credible claims of irregularities and making no mention of the way that Biya has hollowed out democracy by clinging to power for more than 40 years. Around the same time, the AU put out a similar message congratulating another longtime incumbent, Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara, who—like Biya—has repeatedly changed his country’s constitution and electoral rules, allowing himself to stay in power since 2010. In last month’s election, Ouattara racked up an official tally of more than 90 percent of the vote, but only after barring top opposition candidates from the race. Meanwhile, the AU mustered only tepid reservations last week about Tanzania’s election, which was marked by strong signs of irregularity, followed by the violent suppression of protests that killed as many as 1,000 people, as well as a temporary internet shutdown. Lest one think that the AU’s near irrelevance is limited to questions of electoral democracy or even domestic governance, recent weeks have turned up equally abundant signs of the feebleness of the body’s voice in questions of international relations and global order. It has had little to say, for example, about the White House’s recent announcement that, out of all of the continent’s people, it will only prioritize accepting refugees who are white South Africans. Nor has it adopted a strong position about U.S. President Donald Trump’s decision to deport undocumented people from the United States to African countries, regardless of whether they are from Africa. And similarly, it has not forcefully rebuked Washington’s sharp restrictions on travel visas that affect numerous countries on the continent. Arguably worse, the AU has not taken a strong stance against Trump’s recent threat to mount military strikes against Nigeria, where he claims—falsely—that there have been targeted mass killings of Christians by Muslims. Like several of its neighbors in the Sahel region of West Africa, northern Nigeria has long been ravaged by Islamist insurgencies that have terrorized and killed Muslims as indiscriminately as Christians. One may be tempted to ask why any of this matters, given the tableau of grave and unresolved problems that have bedeviled Africa in the decades since the huge wave of independence that swept the continent, largely beginning with Ghana in 1957. Yet what one might call Africa’s crisis of emergence, or the ability to stand strongly on its own two feet politically and economically, is far more than a matter of failed or underperforming national leadership alone. Of equal, or perhaps even greater, significance than national politics is the fact that Africa has never managed to build a continental system of governance, security, and economic cooperation that would not only help boost the continent’s prospects internally but also represent and defend its interests much more strongly on the international stage. The unique circumstances in which Africa entered the international community as a collection of independent states help explain why the continent is in need of such a system today. Although all African countries were endowed with presidential or prime ministerial systems at independence, with their own flags, currencies, and national anthems, for historic reasons, African countries were unusually weak and fragile from the outset. To understand this, one must go back to the very design of Africa’s nation-states. With few exceptions, these borders were traced early in the imperial era—not by Africans, who were granted no say, but by the European powers that formalized the carving up of the continent in order to exploit them, at the Berlin Conference of 1884-85. This lack of African participation in the continent’s political configuration was the first of a series of debilitating wounds whose impact lingers strongly today. As European powers undertook colonial rule, they focused on building systems of extraction far more than development. Initially, this meant using forced labor—a halfway house between slavery and freedom—to produce fibers, tropical oils, minerals, foodstuffs, and other commodities to fuel European industrialization and consumption, as opposed to generating income to reinvest in Africa itself. Not only did colonial powers do little to boost African prosperity, but the scant infrastructure they built was also generally aimed at meeting Europe’s needs, not the continent’s. Roads and rails went more or less directly from places where goods for the West were produced to ports that would evacuate them to these distant markets. Connecting African population centers in these colonies was, at best, an afterthought. What was neglected altogether was connecting African colonies across imperially drawn borders. By independence, what this left was a collection of several dozen mostly small, poor, and mutually isolated countries, many of them landlocked, with little opportunity to trade with each other or build larger, stronger markets that would facilitate industrialization and greater wealth creation through economic integration and regional trade. Some of Africa’s early leaders understood this dilemma well and saw the need to build the powerful Organization of African Unity (OAU)—the precursor of today’s AU—as an engine of economic growth through integration and a means of articulating and defending the continent’s interests in a world that had long exploited it economically and dominated it politically. The strongest advocate of such an approach was Ghana’s first independence leader, Kwame Nkrumah, who articulated this vision at the OAU’s founding conference, which was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1963. This is a story that I tell in my new book, The Second Emancipation: Nkrumah, Pan-Africanism, and Global Blackness at High Tide. But Nkrumah’s vision of accelerated continental integration—one driven by a powerful supranational body that would draw inspiration from the United States’ Constitutional Convention, which had allowed 13 British colonies to eventually form a single country—was rejected by his fellow heads of state. Many of them considered Nkrumah’s vision impractical, and some suspected that his true motivation was a play for power in which he could lead the continent. The most fundamental reason that Nkrumah’s ideas were rejected in my view, though, had to do with the irresistible lure of the many perquisites that came with leading a newborn state. Building an effective supranational body to defend Africa’s interests on a continental level would have required governing elites to surrender some of their newly won power and opportunities for wealth—ones that often came through graft and corruption, including by tapping extraction-based revenue streams that once went exclusively to the West. The results for Africa have been fateful and overwhelmingly negative. Instead of defending African interests on the world stage, the OAU and, later, the AU instead became a back-scratching club of heads of state. On the one hand, the body has never been able to develop a meaningful voice on the issues of democracy and human rights, including by articulating standards of its own that it is prepared to defend. This has led to it accepting rulers who perpetuate their power through hollow or rigged elections and doing little more than emitting a “tsk tsk” when civil societies are violently suppressed as regimes slide toward dictatorship, as has recently happened in Tanzania. The AU’s inaction means that African crises of violence are allowed to fester, as has long been the case with the war in eastern Congo, where Rwanda has supported rebel militias in what is widely understood to be a bid to control some of its neighbor’s vast mineral wealth. The same is true with the lack of any meaningful continental response to the alarming spread of Islamic insurgencies in West Africa or the ongoing civil war in Sudan. It also means that Africa continues to be woefully lacking in integrated markets and international infrastructure, such as a continental highway system and energy grids. Both of these weigh heavily on the continent’s economic performance. And it means that Africa is almost voiceless on the international stage, as seen in the examples above involving refugees, access to international travel, and freedom from bullying. Perhaps the strongest evidence of a need for a strong continental organization, though, comes from outside of Africa. The European Union, a collection of rich and relatively prosperous states, came together and expanded out of an understanding that the continent needed to defend its interests in a world of much larger and more powerful states—notably, the United States, Russia, and China. It seems self-evident that if Europeans felt a need for integration and supranational representation, even with their high relative state of development, then African countries—which are much poorer, weaker, and balkanized—need this kind of unity all the more.

This story was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center. MUTARE, ZIMBABWE — Insectary assistants collect the specimens by sucking into a straw-like pump. But they don't mistakenly swallow any, joked senior insectary assistant Petro Kawadza during a demonstration. It’s part of the critical service a malaria research center at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe provides to the whole nation. This collection of hundreds of female mosquitoes goes to the Zimbabwe Ministry of Health and Child Care to test the effectiveness of mosquito repellent. Fanuel Toto, insectary assistant, works on transferring female mosquitos to a container using a suction tube in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. This program at the United Methodist Church-affiliated Africa University, officially called the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme (ZESMCP), is the chief malaria research program of its kind in the whole country. And in March, it came to a screeching halt. “It was traumatic, if I can put it that way,” entomologist specialist Hieronymo Masendu said, referring to President Donald Trump’s administration shutting down USAID. But the center is up and running today due to an emergency cash flow the center received from the UMC General Board of Global Ministries. The UMC is historically Nashville-based. The past six months have been a witness to the hardship a critical medical service faced in the wake of USAID’s termination and of faith-based organizations stepping in to fill the gap. Violla Chimwayi, insectary assistant, carries a tray of mosquito pupa and larva in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “It means a lot for us. It’s not usual that you have the church funding a research center like in this manner,” Masendu said. “It’s the first of its kind as far as I’m concerned.” Masendu said it’s unlikely the center would have received this funding if not for its affiliation with Africa University, which houses the center on its campus. The university even provided the bricks that went toward the center’s construction, an enterprise that began in 2017 with USAID funding. In 2021, the center received a three-year grant from USAID as part of the U.S. President’s Malaria Initiative. In September 2024, it received a one-year extension of that grant. Under its new grant it received from the UMC General Board of Global Ministries, the malaria center needs to show progress with the distribution of mosquitoes it’s raising and of insecticide resistance it’s raising the mosquitoes to test. “The ball is now in our court,” Masendu said. “We want to take advantage of that and prove our worth.” The UMC and schooling in Zimbabwe: As fracturing harms UMC brand, how a Zimbabwe high school displays pride in denomination Maintaining a mosquito colony The malaria center is responsible for two groups of mosquitoes. One group comes from collections at local streams. The other group, they grow. In one room, Kawadza feeds the mosquitoes with a rabbit, whose back he’s shaven. The mosquitoes then lay eggs, and the eggs are brought into a second room. In that room, insectary assistant Violla Chimyni then oversees the hatching of the larvae and their development into pupae. Violla Chimwayi, insectary assistant, works on separating mosquito pupa from larva in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. Since the center received its first colony in 2017, it’s now on its 244th generation. The need for both categories of mosquitoes is to test insecticide resistance. “The biggest threat is insecticide resistance,” Masendu said. “So, you do everything according to the book, but you still get malaria cases. And you start asking questions. One of the biggest questions is: are the mosquitoes responding to the chemical as expected?” This testing is done in two different ways, both of which occur during the peak malaria season – typically, from October through December. The first type of test is when government health officials come to center at Africa University and spray 10 mosquitoes in a special cone. All 10 mosquitoes should be dead within 24 hours. The other testing is when the center provides hundreds of mosquitoes to the health ministry to use to continue testing the effectiveness of insecticide. Insectary assistant Fanuel Toto collects those hundreds every week using the pump. Fanuel Toto, insectary assistant, works on transferring female mosquitos to a container using a suction tube in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. This work is critical to informing the Zimbabwe government whether it can continue using the same insecticide or if it needs to purchase a different one, a costly endeavor. When there are fewer than five cases of malaria per a population of 1,000, the health ministry stops spraying insecticide within those communities and transitions its residents to using mosquito nets. “We have made tremendous progress to the point we are now talking about eliminating malaria in Zimbabwe,” Masendu said. Other reporting from Zimbabwe: What a United Methodist conference in Zimbabwe says about churches' desire to stay in UMC Maintain sustainable funding The malaria research center at Africa University is one of two organizations that oversee “sentinel sites” across the country that monitor mosquito populations and malaria transmission. But the other organization, a branch of the Zimbabwe health ministry, is suffering from poor funding and has had difficulty keeping pace with Masendu’s team. Masendu said that’s why it’s even more important his center is operating on all cylinders. But a stop work order in March in the wake of USAID closing torpedoed that momentum. Petros Kawadza, senior insectary assistant, works in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “The transition, it was terrible. Not just the case for myself, but my colleagues as well,” Masendu said. “You have your career ahead of you and it’s disrupted.” The team of veteran researchers went months without pay or benefits. They were uncertain if they would ever return and were increasingly anxious about the nearing malaria season. The UMC General Board of Global Ministries grant relieved that anxiety, but only on a short-term basis. The grant lasts until March, allowing the center to get through peak malaria season. Assuming the center is able to show its continued success, it’s likely it will continue operating. Hundreds of mosquitos are seen inside of a container in the Zimbabwe Entomological Support in Malaria Control Programme’s insectary at Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe, Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2025. “As long as we do our part and perform, I’m told we are assured of more funding coming from the UMC,” Masendu said. Liam Adams covers religion for The Tennessean, part of the USA TODAY Network. Reach him at [email protected] or on social media @liamsadams. This article originally appeared on Nashville Tennessean: UMC resurrects Zimbabwe malaria research after USAID cuts

 Tanzania President Samia Suluhu Hassan. Michael Jamson/AFP via Getty Image In Tanzania, something snapped this year. Protests followed the 29 October 2025 elections. They are unprecedented in their scale, national breadth and political content since the country’s independence in 1961. But the repression unleashed by newly re-elected President Samia Suluhu Hassan has also been unprecedented. She has gone further than her autocratic predecessors in closing off the political space and silencing opposition figures. By putting her main rival Tundu Lissu on trial for treason and barring others from contesting the presidency, Hassan has crossed autocratic thresholds that other leaders have not. Activists have been arrested, brutalised or disappeared. The protests spread across a series of major cities and towns in Tanzania. However, an internet blackout created a fog of war in which details are difficult to ascertain. I am an assistant professor of politics at the University of Sussex. I have dedicated 11 years to studying Tanzania’s anti-authoritarian struggle. Amateur and professional coverage found its way through the internet blackout. What I see in this footage is anger and tragedy running through these protests, and the struggle of the anti-authoritarian movement at large. However, at least fleetingly, there has been hope as well. The anger is directed at the regime. It simultaneously focuses on Tanzanians’ material circumstances and what they see as the political sources of those circumstances. The hope comes from a changing sense of what is possible – the regime long seemed invulnerable. The protests have thrown its authority into doubt. The protests The immediate trigger for the public protests was the sham general election. The protests turned violent. Protesters set police stations and other buildings ablaze, hijacked police and ruling party vehicles, and ransacked polling stations. The regime responded with force. Police met civilians with gunfire and teargas. Two people were reportedly killed and several others injured on election day. Media sources, who include opposition leaders and diplomats in Tanzania, put the number of those killed over three days of protests in the hundreds. The triggers Tanzanians have plenty of reasons to be angry at the government. The causes are many. About 72% of citizens work as street vendors, motorcycle taxi drivers and in other informal jobs. Yet Hassan’s neo-liberal government suppresses the demands of these constituencies. Under Hassan’s rule, young people in particular have been neglected. Tanzania is a youthful country, with more than half of the population below the age of 18. They have especially suffered from Tanzania’s under-investment in education and health relative to its regional neighbours. While Hassan has presided over an economy that has continued to steadily grow, it has remained deeply unequal. More than 66% of Tanzanians remain poor. The anger is not just about policy, but politics too. The ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), has deep roots. It has ruled Tanzania in one form or another since the country’s independence from Britain in 1961. For years, CCM has used autocratic measures to tip the playing field in its favour. Since 2014, under former president John Pombe Magufuli, it has been steadily extending those measures. By 2020, the playing field had become all but closed. Protesters are directing their anger against the regime. They have torn down posters of Hassan. They are demanding constitutional reform, a truly independent electoral commission, and free and fair elections. Unprecedented protests These people’s-power protesters, in short, are defining their cause in terms of democracy. There is no precedent for protests like this in Tanzania. There have been many vigorous protests over the year. However, they have been localised protests against the forced eviction of the Maasai from ancestral lands, extraction by transnational gold mining corporations and exclusion of the public from the proceeds of natural gas extraction. In semi-autonomous archipelago Zanzibar, electoral manipulation has been consistently protested for three decades, Yet, Zanzibar aside, protests against the regime itself have always remained anaemic, until now. It is not for want of trying. The main opposition party Chadema has steadily turned to protest since 2016. It called for nationwide protests in the wake of the apparent rigging of the 2020 elections. Yet, few turned out to join them. Chadema, and the opposition at large, has struggled in the face of a violent state apparatus to draw protesters beyond a cadre of committed activists to its banner. Until now. What’s different Until days ago, the sort of protests unfolding across Tanzania seemed like a fool’s hope. The CCM regime, and its security apparatus, would never allow them. Protesters were arrested, brutalised, abducted or killed. Resistance, it seemed, was futile. The 2025 protests have thrown all of this into doubt. As political scientists Adam Branch and Zachariah Mamphilly observe, in protests, what seems possible can change profoundly and suddenly. Whenever protests gather momentum, the dynamics of their formation and repression change. Security personnel can seem hopelessly outnumbered. Protests can seem unassailably large. In this context, protesters have created spaces in which they – rather than the regime – rule, at least temporarily. The footage of protesters making off with ballot boxes, tearing down posters and saying the previously unsayable shows moments that have an air of emancipation. The exuberance may not last. Tanzania’s regime has not endured for 64 years for nothing. If the crackdown hardens, and the death toll climbs, the streets may clear quickly. If, in contrast, the police are unable to contain the protests and the military refuse to support them, they may quickly lose control. Whatever follows, Tanzania has changed almost overnight. One way or another, the change is almost certainly not yet over.

This week on The Horn, Alan is joined by Edmund Yakani, executive director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, to discuss the trial of South Sudan’s first vice president and former rebel leader Riek Machar, as the country slips deeper into a political crisis.  In this episode of The Horn, Alan is joined by Edmund Yakani, executive director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization, to discuss the trial of South Sudan’s first vice president and former rebel leader Riek Machar. They trace Machar’s rise and how he became a central, polarising figure in South Sudanese politics. They unpack the charges against Machar over his alleged role in a March 2025 attack on an army base in Nasir. They discuss the timing of the proceedings as South Sudanese elite jockey over the eventual succession of President Salva Kiir amid mounting speculation over his health. They also explore what to expect from the trial, what its outcome could mean for the risk of deepening violence and for the 2018 peace deal, and whether there remains a viable path to dialogue among South Sudan’s elites to ease tensions. Click here to listen on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. For more, check out our Analyst’s Notebook “Criminal Charges against South Sudan’s Vice President Threaten New Twist in Conflict”, our recent episode “As South Sudan Quakes, an Heir Apparent Rises”, and our briefing “Succession Fever Deepens South Sudan’s Malaise”. Notes Notes Notes Contributors Alan Boswell Project Director, Horn of Africa Edmund Yakani Director of the Community Empowerment for Progress Organization More for you

On 26 October, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) captured the city of El Fasher, capital of North Darfur and the last remaining stronghold of the Sudanese army in the entire Darfur region. Victory for the RSF capped a decisive three-day offensive that overwhelmed the remaining positions of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and allied Darfuri groups.  The battle for the city has been one of the most intense confrontations in a war that has killed tens of thousands and displaced millions. Conflict first erupted over El Fasher in November 2023, when major factions, including the forces of Darfuri leaders Minni Minawi and Jibril Ibrahim, openly backed the army in trying to halt RSF expansion.  Several factors eventually aligned in the RSF’s favour. A prolonged siege cut off supplies and reinforcements to the army and its allies, driving starvation and despair among soldiers and civilians. The RSF’s expanded arsenal, reportedly supplied by the United Arab Emirates, included anti-aircraft systems, surveillance drones and heavy artillery, neutralising the army’s air advantage.  Despite RSF leaders’ pledges to guarantee the safety of El Fasher’s residents, early reports suggest its forces are responsible for violent atrocities. Numerous videos shared by RSF soldiers show them executing detainees. Other reports point to a spate of mass killings, arbitrary detentions of those accused of being army affiliates, and rape and sexual violence against women. RSF forces also appear to be restricting the movement of those trying to flee, especially men. Videos posted online suggest some RSF forces are motivated by revenge or the conviction that residents who chose to remain in El Fasher are aligned with their enemies, even though aid groups have reported thousands of civilians were simply trapped in the besieged city. These atrocities will further damage RSF’s reputation in Sudan and elsewhere.  El Fasher’s fall also has profound consequences for Sudan, deepening the country’s de facto partition. For the first time, the RSF has consolidated its writ over the west of the country, securing transnational supply routes and asserting itself as a governing authority. The country now has two competing centres of power, the RSF in the west and SAF-aligned institutions in the centre and east. The city’s fall also shifts Sudan’s war eastward, where RSF forces have formed a coalition with Abdelaziz al-Hilu’s armed group, Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, in South Kordofan.  With the RSF emboldened and the SAF entrenched, Sudan faces a political stalemate that neither side can break militarily. Having demanded a RSF withdrawal from El Fasher as a precondition for negotiations, the army and its allies now appear far less disposed to engage in talks in the immediate aftermath of this defeat. Avoiding a permanent east-west partition will require urgent, creative diplomacy by the U.S.-led “Quad” process, which also includes Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. These four countries convened both parties in the Sudanese war for talks in Washington on a truce proposal in October, but without making a breakthrough. Their task has since become even harder. 

Reuters Raila Odinga has been a towering figure in Kenyan politics for many years Tributes have been paid to former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, who has died at the age of 80. President William Ruto said the veteran politician, who died on Wednesday while receiving medical treatment at a hospital in India, was a "beacon of courage" and "father of our democracy". His body is due to be flown back home overnight for a funeral service and burial to be held over the coming days. Odinga spent many years as an opposition leader, losing five presidential campaigns, most recently three years ago. In recent weeks, there has been speculation about his health, although family members and political allies had dismissed reports suggesting he was critically ill. He collapsed during a morning walk and was taken to Devamatha Hospital, about 50km (30 miles) east of the port city of Kochi. The hospital said he had suffered a cardiac arrest, did not respond to resuscitation measures and was "declared dead at 09:52" local time (04:22 GMT). • Obituary: A founding father of Kenya's multi-party democracy • How Odinga's court challenges have improved Kenya's elections "Raila Amolo Odinga is truly a once-in-a-generation leader. A man whose ideals transcended politics, and whose legacy will shape the destiny of Kenya for generations to come," Ruto said in a live address to the nation. A seven-day period of mourning has also been declared. Odinga will be also be accorded a state funeral with full military honours, Ruto said. Other Kenyan politicians and world leaders have been sending their condolences, including Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who described Odinga as a "towering statesman and a cherished friend of India". South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa said he was a "leader who placed the interests of his country and continent first" while Zambia's Hakainde Hichilema described Odinga as "a towering advocate for democracy", whose legacy would endure. Nigeria's Bola Tinubu said he "embodied the spirit of Pan-Africanism". On Wednesday, Kenya's parliament observed a minute's silence in his honour and scheduled a session on Thursday for lawmakers to pay tribute. The Kenyan president had earlier visited Odinga's family home in the capital, Nairobi, and expressed his condolences to his widow Ida Odinga and other family members. It is understood that a delegation, led by Kenya's Foreign Affairs Minister Musalia Mudavadi and Odinga's widow, is on its way to India to oversee the arrangements to repatriate his body. Local officials in Kochi said his body was due to be flown to Mumbai - from where it would be taken to Kenya, and was expected on Thursday morning. The state funeral will be held at the Nyayo National Stadium in Nairobi on Friday and the following day his body will be transported to Kisumu, a city in western Kenya on the shores of Lake Victoria - his political stronghold. Members of the public will get a chance to view the body before he is buried on Sunday at his farm in Bondo, about 60km west of Kisumu. According to the family, it was Odinga's wish to be laid to rest within the shortest time possible, ideally within 72 hours. Odinga's supporters have been pouring on to the streets to mourn, especially in western Kenya and parts of Nairobi. Odinga's supporters have been gathering to mourn him in Nairobi The disputed election of 2007, in which Odinga claimed he was cheated of victory by Mwai Kibaki, led to the biggest crisis in Kenya's history. Violence erupted around the country, resulting in 1,200 deaths and about 600,000 people were forced to flee their homes. To resolve the crisis, a power-sharing agreement was brokered by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, leading to the formation of a unity government in which Odinga became prime minister. His frequent claims of fraud were vindicated by Kenya's highest court after the 2017 elections, when it annulled Uhuru Kenyatta's victory and ordered fresh polls. However, he boycotted the rerun, demanding electoral reforms. Odinga later made up with Kenyatta, stunning the nation when the two shook hands in 2018 - ending months of tension. State House Kenya Kenyan President Ruto expressed his condolences to Odinga's widow, Ida He has often reconciled with the incumbent president after contentious elections. After his most recent defeat in 2022, he later joined President Ruto in a so-called broad-based government, which brought several of his allies into key positions. He defended the move as necessary for national unity, coming in the aftermath of watershed nationwide protests last year that culminated in the storming of parliament. Dozens of protesters were killed in confrontations with security officers. The Ruto administration backed Odinga's bid to become chairperson of the African Union Commission, in elections held earlier this year. Despite strong regional support, he lost to Djibouti's Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. Odinga inspired a passionate and loyal following throughout his political career. His supporters called him "Baba" (Father), "Agwambo" (Act of God), and "Tinga" (Tractor) - drawn from his party's symbol during the 1997 elections. He was widely regarded as a master strategist and mass mobiliser, often drawing huge crowds to his political rallies, and he had a deep ability to connect with ordinary people. He will be remembered for his unwavering fight for democratic freedoms and human rights. He was a former political prisoner, and holds the record for being Kenya's longest-serving detainee. His struggle against one-party dictatorship saw him detained twice (from 1982 to 1988 and 1989 to 1991) during the rule of Daniel arap Moi. He was initially imprisoned for trying to stage a coup in 1982, which propelled him on to the national stage. For most of his political life, Odinga has been seen as symbol of resistance and political reform and his death leaves a vacuum about who can fill his shoes and carry on his legacy. He is the son of Jaramogi Odinga, Kenya's first vice-president, who walked out of government after falling out with then-leader Jomo Kenyatta, Uhuru Kenyatta's father. Additional reporting by the BBC's Roncliffe Odit and Akisa Wandera in Nairobi Raila Odinga: The man who shaped Kenyan politics You may also be interested in: • How a handshake changed Odinga's heartland • 'They aimed to kill' - BBC identifies security forces who shot Kenya anti-tax protesters • Tales of surviving the 2007 election violence Getty Images/BBC Go to BBCAfrica.com for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica

 In the Democratic Republic of Congo, M23 rebels threaten to overthrow the government in Kinshasa. But experts say that the escalating war could be nothing more than a means of influencing the peace talks between in Doha.

... climate change and strengthening resilience in vulnerable Zambian communities. The Integrated Action for Mitigation Zambia (AIM Zambia) project ...

Early warning systems, water resource management, waste management and infrastructure will be improved to protect our most vulnerable society.

San Francisco, Oct. 09, 2025 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- SAN FRANCISCO, CA October 09, 2025 - - A sweeping wave of technological breakthroughs and regulatory shifts is accelerating the global energy transition, reshaping how governments, investors, and industries are approaching decarbonization and sustainability. New intelligence from EarlyBirds highlights how rapid advancements in renewable energy and storage technologies, combined with tightening environmental, social, and governance (ESG) frameworks, are setting the pace for the next decade of climate and industrial transformation. From the deployment of hydrogen transport and large-scale battery systems to the expansion of space-based solar power and the resurgence of carbon pricing policies, momentum across the energy ecosystem suggests that the long-anticipated convergence of innovation, investment, and regulation is finally taking form. The developments observed during the first week of October 2025 paint a picture of a world moving swiftly toward technological maturity in renewable systems, even as it faces the policy and market complexities of scaling them. In Norway, a country long regarded as a global leader in electric vehicle adoption, new advances in nationwide charging infrastructure are providing a benchmark for seamless integration between mobility systems and renewable energy grids. The country's model demonstrates how well-planned infrastructure can accelerate decarbonization in transport while strengthening energy resilience. In the storage domain, Sineng Electric's turnkey battery systems are emerging as vital tools for stabilizing renewable energy supply, enabling diverse applications ranging from grid-scale deployment to localized microgrid support. The commissioning of Europe's largest battery energy storage system, a 200 MW installation by ENGIE and Sungrow in Belgium, underscores how storage technology has evolved from experimental pilot projects into a mature and bankable asset class supporting the continent's renewable integration goals. Hydrogen continues to gain prominence as both an industrial feedstock and a scalable clean fuel. Duke Energy's launch of the United States' first fully integrated green hydrogen system in Florida represents a landmark project that combines production, storage, and power generation. The initiative demonstrates the viability of hydrogen as a dispatchable energy source capable of reinforcing grid stability and reducing dependence on fossil generation. In Asia, Isuzu and Toyota's deployment of hydrogen buses marks a decisive moment in clean public transportation, while new hydrogen refueling infrastructure in North America is addressing one of the sector's most persistent adoption barriers. Complementing hydrogen's rise, innovation in geothermal energy is proving that renewable baseload power can be both reliable and cost-efficient. XGS Energy's 3,000-hour geothermal trial in California achieved sustained output and seamless grid integration, suggesting that geothermal energy could play a much larger role in the global energy mix. Hybrid projects that combine hydrogen, geothermal, and battery storage, such as those now being built in the western United States, point to an era of complementary renewable ecosystems that work together to meet round-the-clock demand. Solar technology, meanwhile, is pushing into new frontiers. Scientists from the University of Delaware and Taizhou University recently shattered the long-standing efficiency ceiling for silicon solar cells, achieving conversion rates above 50 percent. This leap could dramatically lower the cost of solar energy and double the output from the same surface area. Japan's national investment program in ultra-thin perovskite cells, alongside Namibia's approval of a 3 gigawatt solar and hydrogen complex, underscores how major economies are turning laboratory breakthroughs into industrial-scale programs. Beyond Earth, the first commercial collaborations in space-based solar power, led by Space Solar, Thales Alenia Space, and Aetherflux, are exploring continuous orbital energy collection and laser transmission to Earth. If proven viable, such systems could eliminate the intermittency challenge entirely and redefine the logistics of global energy distribution. On the investment front, capital deployment into clean energy and storage assets continues to climb, signaling growing market confidence in the economics of decarbonization. A $700 million joint venture between Larsen & Toubro and ACWA Power in Uzbekistan is set to deliver 1 gigawatt of combined solar generation and storage capacity, establishing Central Asia as a new player in renewable expansion. In Australia, ACCIONA's $140 million acquisition of the East Rockingham Waste-to-Energy facility reinforces the circular economy trend, turning waste streams into valuable energy resources. In the United States, Enlight Renewable Energy's $340 million Roadrunner solar and storage project near Tucson is backed by tax equity investors, reflecting the increasing alignment between sustainable finance and infrastructure growth. Even smaller firms such as Vivakor, investing $23 million in clean energy technologies, illustrate how diversified capital participation is sustaining sectoral momentum across scales. While innovation accelerates, the regulatory landscape is tightening. Governments are now moving beyond voluntary ESG reporting toward binding climate compliance. Australia's proposal to reintroduce carbon pricing and impose a tax on coal exports represents a decisive return to fiscal mechanisms for emission control. In the United States, the Environmental Protection Agency's plan to phase out organics from landfills by 2040 is a significant measure against methane emissions and a potential catalyst for a new generation of circular waste solutions. Internationally, the International Maritime Organization's forthcoming Net-Zero Framework will impose new emissions targets across global shipping, reshaping fuel supply chains and vessel design strategies. Europe's environmental authorities have also renewed calls for deeper decarbonization, signaling stricter oversight of corporate climate disclosures and carbon accounting. Together, these developments define a global inflection point in sustainability. Technological innovation is meeting regulatory ambition in a way that transforms compliance from an administrative function into a competitive advantage. Organizations able to anticipate policy changes and integrate advanced technologies - from AI-driven energy optimization to next-generation battery chemistries - will be best positioned to capture emerging markets and investor confidence. Conversely, industries slow to adapt face escalating operational costs, supply chain disruptions, and reputational risks as regulators and consumers demand measurable environmental progress. According to EarlyBirds' analysts, the synergy between innovation and regulation will increasingly determine leadership in the energy transition. Nations and companies that align research, industrial deployment, and policy coherence are poised to dominate the green economy. As renewable systems become more efficient and interconnected, the boundaries between compliance, investment, and innovation are dissolving, creating a new ecosystem where technological agility equals resilience. The first week of October 2025 encapsulates this transformation: governments tightening environmental policy, investors scaling clean energy commitments, and innovators surpassing long-held scientific limits. Together, these forces are rewriting the fundamentals of global energy economics. What was once a fragmented movement of isolated technologies and climate pledges is now coalescing into a unified, data-driven transition. The result is a race not just to decarbonize, but to reinvent how the world powers its future - continuously, sustainably, and intelligently. ### For more information about EarlyBirds, contact the company here: EarlyBirds Mr Kris Poria [email protected] EarlyBirds USA Inc., 548 Market St, San Francisco, CA 94104 USA CONTACT: Mr Kris Poria

Swedfund, Sweden’s development finance institution, has committed $15 million to Select Africa, a microfinance institution operating in Eswatini, Lesotho, and Malawi.  The investment is aimed at improving access to credit for low-income public sector workers who are usually excluded from formal banking systems. The three southern African countries continue to face serious economic challenges, including limited job opportunities, inadequate healthcare and education systems, and growing pressure from climate-related shocks. With international aid becoming less predictable, many households have struggled to sustain livelihoods or fund small-scale ventures. Swedfund’s new funding seeks to close this gap by enabling more civil servants to access personal and business loans that support daily living and small enterprise growth. According to the organisation, these loans are not just about access to money but about fostering resilience and stimulating community-level economic development. “With this loan we increase the possibilities for low-income individuals to secure financing that supports their livelihoods and productive activities, such as starting a small side business, expanding farming, covering education costs or building a house. This contributes to human development for many families and, in turn, fosters potential for local economic growth and more jobs,” said Jane Niedra, investment director of Financial Inclusion at Swedfund. Select Africa’s customer base largely consists of civil servants, including teachers, nurses, and local administrators, who often find it difficult to obtain loans from traditional banks due to perceived high risk or lack of collateral. The company provides payroll-based lending, allowing borrowers to repay directly from their salaries, reducing default risk and enabling them to build a formal credit history over time. Founded in 1999 with its first branch in Eswatini, Select Africa has since expanded its footprint across Lesotho, Malawi, Uganda, and Kenya. The Group now operates 19 branches and manages a gross loan book of about $108 million. Through this partnership, Swedfund and Select Africa aim to unlock opportunities for thousands of underserved public workers, strengthening household incomes, encouraging entrepreneurship, and supporting the broader financial inclusion agenda in sub-Saharan Africa. Share 0 Post 0 Share Whatsapp Copy 0Shares The post Swedfund Invests $15 Million to Boost Loan Access for Civil Servants in Africa appeared first on Tech | Business | Economy.

A brief roundup of United Nations-related political and peacebuilding events and developments globally. Secretary-General calls for renewed action on women, peace and security   On 7 October, the Security Council held its annual open debate on women, peace and security (WPS), marking the 25th anniversary of resolution 1325. In his remarks, the Secretary-General stressed that women’s leadership is central to just and lasting peace, warning that progress on the WPS agenda remains fragile and, in many areas, is reversing. He urged Member States to accelerate commitments under the Pact for the Future through concrete measures — including increased funding for women’s organizations, binding targets for participation, accountability for gender-based violence, and protection for women peacebuilders.   Ahead of the briefing, he visited the Through Her Lens: Women Rising for Peace exhibit, located in the plaza outside the General Assembly building. The display features powerful images by local women photographers, showcasing women peacebuilders, human rights defenders, UN peacekeepers and community leaders working for peace in fragile contexts. The exhibit will remain open through October. Security Council discusses UN–AU cooperation on peace and security   On 7 October, the Security Council held a meeting on cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union (AU). Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG) to the African Union and Head of the United Nations Office to the African Union (UNOAU) Parfait Onanga-Anyanga highlighted the progress achieved through strengthened political collaboration, joint operations and strategic coordination between the two organizations. He underscored that the partnership remains central to addressing Africa’s peace and security challenges. Assistant Secretary-General (ASG) for Africa Martha Pobee, speaking on behalf of DPPA and DPO, emphasized the importance of predictable financing for AU-led peace support operations, as well as continued joint planning, analysis and capacity-building to advance collective security efforts across the continent. Special Envoy Huang Xia discusses regional peace efforts in Doha   During a visit to Doha, on 5 October, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General (SESG) for the Great Lakes Region Huang Xia met with Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Qatar Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al Khulaifi. The Special Envoy briefed his Qatari counterparts on ongoing peace and dialogue initiatives in the Great Lakes Region, particularly regarding the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He underlined the importance of regional and international support to de-escalate tensions and sustain political dialogue. The visit formed part of the Special Envoy’s broader diplomatic outreach to strengthen partnerships for peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region. Read more High-level workshop on natural resource governance in Botswana   On 7–8 October, SESG for the Great Lakes Region Huang Xia convened a high-level workshop in Gaborone, Botswana, on “Enhancing the ICGLR Regional Certification Mechanism through Lessons Learned from the Kimberley Process.” Co-organized with the ICGLR Secretariat, the Kimberley Process Secretariat, GIZ, and supported by the Government of Botswana, the event gathered over 60 senior participants, including former President Mokgweetsi Masisi, and representatives of the AU, EU, World Bank, civil society and the private sector. Discussions focused on strengthening compliance, traceability and inclusive governance in natural resource management to advance peace, stability and sustainable development across the Great Lakes Region. A race for peace in Sucre   As part of Peace Month, on 3 October the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia participated in the third Observation Race under the theme “The Road that Unites Us: Human Rights and Peace” in Sincelejo, Sucre. The event aimed to foster peaceful coexistence and strengthen trust between public institutions and civil society. Through collaborative activities, teamwork and problem-solving exercises, participants promoted citizen engagement and a shared commitment to building a more just, inclusive and peaceful society. “Mirémonos de Cerca”: Promoting peace through community sports   On 4 October, in Puerto Rico, Caquetá, the United Nations Verification Mission in Colombia joined the Colombian Agency for Reincorporation and Normalization (ARN) for a sports day held under the national campaign “Mirémonos de Cerca” (“Let Us Look at Each Other Closely”), aimed at preventing stigmatization. The event brought together former combatants, local residents and institutional representatives to strengthen social cohesion, promote mutual understanding and foster reconciliation through teamwork and dialogue. The initiative forms part of ongoing local efforts to advance peacebuilding and support the reintegration of former combatants into community life. UNAMI and OHCHR advance human rights-based approaches to anti-corruption in Iraq   On 6 October, the UNAMI Human Rights Office and OHCHR, in cooperation with the Federal Commission of Integrity (CoI), held a workshop in Mosul on integrating human rights principles into anti-corruption efforts. The event brought together 42 representatives from civil society, the media, the legal community and local authorities in Ninewa Governorate. Participants discussed how corruption undermines human rights and explored ways to strengthen collaboration between the CoI and local communities, including through public engagement, reporting mechanisms and whistleblower protection. The workshop is part of the third phase of the UNAMI/OHCHR–CoI project, which includes capacity-building and outreach activities to promote accountability and transparency across Iraq. Second cohort of Ra’idat women visit Rome to learn about international peacebuilding   Six young women from the second cohort of the UN in Libya’s Ra’idat leadership programme concluded their training with a study visit to Rome, supported by the Government of Italy. Coordinated through the United Nations Support Mision in Libya (UNSMIL) in close cooperation with the UN Country team, the three-day mission exposed participants to international examples of women’s leadership in peace and governance through meetings with government officials, diplomats, and peacebuilders. The tailor-made programme included visits to the Italian Senate, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, LUISS University, and NGOs active in Libya. The Ra’idat programme, now in its second year, trains 35 young Libyan women annually in communication, leadership, and advocacy. The 2025–26 cohort, selected from nearly 900 applicants, will begin training later this month. Read more Peacebuilding Impact Hub hosts training on impact evaluations for peacebuilding   From 8 to 10 October, the Peacebuilding Impact Hub of DPPA’s Peacebuilding Support Office organized a training session on impact evaluations for peacebuilding, in collaboration with the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF), the World Bank, the International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie), and the International Security and Development Center (ISDC). The training aimed to strengthen the capacity of practitioners, researchers, and policymakers to design and conduct impact evaluations for peacebuilding projects, drawing on examples from PBF initiatives supported by Canada and Germany. This was the second such training organized by the Impact Hub, following the first session held in April 2025 after the launch of an impact evaluation of the Fund’s work in East Darfur. SRSG Imnadze participates in the 2nd Meeting of Speakers of Parliaments of the Member States of the Group of Friends of Neutrality On 8 October SRSG Kaha Imnadze, Head of UNRCCA, participated in the 2nd Meeting of Speakers of Parliaments of the Group of Friends of Neutrality, hosted by Turkmenistan’s Parliament in a hybrid format. The event gathered representatives from Central Asia, Russia, Belarus, China, Qatar, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and CIS Interparliamentary Assembly. In his statement, SRSG Imnadze underlined the significance of Turkmenistan’s long-standing commitment to neutrality and its contribution to strengthening international peace and trust. He stressed that neutrality should not be perceived as passivity but as an active commitment to dialogue, humanitarian engagement, and multilateral solutions. Marking 25 years of women, peace and security in Yemen   To mark the 25th anniversary of Security Council resolution 1325, the Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen is amplifying the voices of Yemeni women, whose leadership continues in the struggle for peace in the country. Their stories highlight women’s resilience and their essential role in advancing dialogue, reconciliation and recovery efforts across Yemen. Read more Japan contributes to DPPA’s Multi-Year Appeal   This week, DPPA thanks the Government of Japan for its contribution of $143,610 to the Department’s Multi-Year Appeal (MYA). The funding will support the work of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General on Myanmar, including efforts to promote inclusive stakeholder engagement and advance peace initiatives.  Next Week  On 13 October, the Security Council will hold a meeting on the Great Lakes region, focusing on regional peace and security developments. On 14 October, the Council will be briefed on the situation in Libya by UNSMIL.

The inauguration of President Peter Mutharika as the country’s seventh President on Saturday should have been a proud moment of national unity and constitutional continuity. Instead, it exposed once again how fragile Malawi’s institutions can get when politics takes centre stage. Reports on the eve of the inauguration that ex-president Lazarus Chakwera and Secretary to the President and Cabinet Coleen Zamba were “barred” from attending the ceremony were startling. If true, this raises a fundamental question: how can an incoming President and his team exercise authority before the oath of office is taken? Until that moment, the outgoing administration remains legally in charge of the State. The episode highlights a deeper constitutional blind spot—the absence of a clear, neutral process for transferring power. The Constitution defines when a president’s term ends and when a new one begins, but it is silent on overseeing transition and how each side must cooperate. Expectedly, each power shift becomes an improvised event shaped more by political goodwill than by law. That vacuum invites disorder. Outgoing officials can withdraw cooperation too early; incoming teams can act before they ought to. Meanwhile, the State dances to confusion and partisan politics. Other democracies have long recognised the importance of structured transitions. Ghana’s Presidential (Transition) Act of 2012 and Kenya’s equivalent of 2013 provide detailed frameworks for the peaceful power handover, specifying who should coordinate the process, when it begins and what obligations fall on each side. The US law ensures the process is handled professionally by nonpartisan civil servants. Malawi has no such law, so the transition remains a matter of political expediency rather than constitutional discipline. An inauguration is not a partisan celebration, but a State occasion that affirms continuity and respect for the rule of law. The presence of the outgoing president is a symbol of national unity and institutional maturity. It demonstrates that citizens’ will reigns supreme and political rivalry ends where constitutional order begins. When that ritual is disrupted, it weakens public trust and sends the wrong message about our democracy’s resilience.  A system that depends on personalities, not procedures, is prone to manipulation. To close this gap, Malawi should consider establishing a Judiciary-led presidential transition framework. The Judiciary is uniquely placed to provide neutrality and authority. It already plays a central role in managing electoral disputes and interpreting constitutional boundaries. Extending its oversight to the transfer of Executive power would strengthen both legality and public confidence. Such a framework could take the form of a Presidential Transition Commission, chaired by the Chief Justice with representatives from the Malawi Law Society and trusted technocrats from the Office of the President and Cabinet. Its mandate would be clear: Ensure the outgoing administration continues its duties with integrity until the new President takes the oath of office; supervise the exchange of State information, security briefings and assets; ensure the inauguration remains a nonpartisan State event and enforce a binding transition code of conduct on both teams. By doing so, Malawi would turn what is currently a political handshake into a constitutional process — predictable, dignified and protected from abuse. The 2020 court-ordered fresh presidential election remains a milestone in Malawi’s democratic evolution, proving that institutions can correct political wrongs when empowered to act. However, that same commitment to legality must now extend to how power changes hands. If we cannot uphold constitutional order at the very moment of renewal, then our democracy rests on shaky ground. The next frontier in Malawi’s governance reform must therefore be to institutionalise presidential transitions — not as courtesy, but as law. By 2030, Malawi should aspire to transitions that reflect not the weakness of our politics but the strength of our State. Parliament, the Malawi Law Society, Malawi Law Commission and civil society organisations should start a national conversation on enacting  presidential transition laws and oversight. Democracy is not only about winning elections, but also governing—and leaving—within the boundaries of the law. Securing that delicate moment of power handover is a decisive step toward building a resilient Republic beyond the rise and fall of its leaders. – Victor Vivian Gondwe The post Judiciary-led power transition appeared first on Nation Online.

Country: Burundi Organization: One Acre Fund Closing date: 31 Dec 2025 About One Acre Fund Founded in 2006, One Acre Fund equips 5.5 million smallholder farmers to make their farms more productive. Across nine countries that together are home to two-thirds of Africa's farmers, we provide high-quality farm supplies, tree seedlings, accessible credit, modern agronomic training, and a wide range of other agricultural services. On average, this model enables any farmer to increase their income and assets on supported land by more than 35 percent, while permanently improving their resilience. This is all made possible by our team of 9,000+ full-time staff, drawn from diverse backgrounds and professions. To learn more, please see our Why Work Here blog post. Our Burundi program, established in 2011, operates under the local brand Tubura. We are a rapidly growing organization with over 1,000 employees nationwide. As of 2024, we serve over 340,000 unique farmers in 7 provinces; Muramvya, Gitega, Kayanza, Mwaro, Ngozi, Muyinga, and Ruyigi. To learn more about our work, look at our Burundi program blog. About the Role Planting trees is one of the most efficient actions to generate impact for rural families and improve the local environment. Growing trees can have many benefits for farm families - trees can improve land productivity and soil fertility. Trees can also serve as a critical economic resource for families.. Additionally, they contribute positively to local ecosystems and reduce the effects of climate change. As the Burundi Agroforestry Lead, you will lead our national agroforestry program to make it more impactful, efficient, and environmentally responsible. Through your technical experience and leadership you will help farmers to plant ten million trees in your first year, with potential to double in scale over time. Your work will support our target of planting 1 billion trees by 2030. You will also contribute to our Regenerative Agriculture Portfolio in Burundi; improve farmer's ability to use natural resources to deliver healthy soils and continued prosperity. You will report to the Burundi Impact Lead. Responsibilities • Strategic Reviews and Development: We don't just want to run an efficient programme - we want to improve and scale it. We expect under your leadership we could double the size of the Agroforestry Programme, compliment with new varieties, and bring more impact for farmers; through operational reviews each season, and strategy setting. • Refine and Improve Current Operations: incremental gain in the work we do will have a big impact at scale. Driving new initiatives to improve our agroforestry operations will result in additional impact for each farm household that we serve. Through root cause analysis, you will identify underlying issues and then launch improvement initiatives. For example, these could aim to improve Seedling Survival Rates, New Varieties of Trees, Improving Market Demand, or phytosanitary care. • Secure our seedling supply chain through our in-house production models. You will assess performance across our country-wide programme and implement improvements to design and deliver trainings on best practices for nursery management and species management and implement tactics and tools to reliably track field performance. • Planning and Coordination of Distribution: Taking seedlings from 900 nurseries across the country and distributing to 400,000 farmers is a major task; and requires digital management of distribution, close understanding of farmer needs and constraints, and effective working with our field operations team. • Scope and Launch new Initiatives in Regenerative Agriculture: Investing in additional trees for our farmers will support healthy soils and more productive farms. You will also support new initiatives to grow farmer income through use of natural alternatives to inorganic fertilizer: such as restoring soil health, biodiversity and ecosystem resilience. Career Growth and Development We have a strong culture of constant learning and we invest in developing our people. You’ll have weekly check-ins with your manager, access to mentorship and training programs, and regular feedback on your performance. We hold career reviews every six months, and set aside time to discuss your aspirations and career goals. You’ll have the opportunity to shape a growing organization and build a rewarding long-term career. Qualifications Across all roles, these are the general qualifications we look for. For this role specifically, you will have: • 5+ years working in execution of major decentralised rural programmes, with demonstrated managerial responsibilities including field and performance management • Field experience working with smallholder farmers • A track-record of implementation preferred, taking projects from strategic to operational within a relatively short time • Bachelors required; study or qualifications in Agroforestry or Regenerative Agriculture an advantage • Nice to have: Prior experience in Agroforestry or Regenerative Agriculture • Language: English required; French also strongly preferred. Other local languages (Kirundi) desirable. Preferred Start Date As soon as possible Job Location Muramvya, Burundi Benefits Health insurance, housing, and comprehensive benefits Eligibility This role is only open to citizens or permanent residents of Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Malawi, Ethiopia, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Application Deadline 01 January 2025. Please note that we hire on a rolling basis which means that applications are reviewed and processed on a continuous basis until a hire is made. One Acre Fund never asks candidates to pay any money or pay for tests at any stage of the interview process. Official One Acre Fund emails will always arrive from an @oneacrefund.org address. Please report any suspicious communication here ([email protected]), but do not send applications or application materials to this email address. Diversity, Equity, Inclusion (DEI), and anti-racism are deeply connected to our organization’s mission and purpose. One Acre Fund aspires to build a culture where all staff feel consistently valued, represented, and connected – so that our team can thrive as professionals, and achieve exceptional impact for the farmers we serve. We are committed to equal employment opportunity regardless of race, color, ancestry, religion, sex, national origin, sexual orientation, age, marital status, disability, gender, gender identity or expression. We are proud to be an equal opportunity workplace. How to apply Apply Here:https://grnh.se/o000n2481us

 President Hakainde Hichilema says the economic gains the country has achieved is as a result of policy reforms initiated by the government in the mining sector. President Hichilema notes that without embarking on policy reforms the country would not have recorded the economic growth it has attained. He explains that the decision by the government […]

Russia Takes Major Step in Strengthening Ties with Africa, Adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to Booming Visa-Free Travel Network Russia is increasingly focusing on expanding its reach in Africa, with new developments such as the inclusion of Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini in its list of countries offering visa-free access to Russian nationals. This shift marks a strategic move by Russia to bolster its political, economic, and cultural ties with African nations. Once finalized, these visa-free agreements are expected to pave the way for closer cooperation, particularly in tourism, trade, and geopolitics. The growing importance of Africa in the global political and economic landscape has prompted Russia to strengthen its ties with the continent, especially as many African nations seek to diversify their international relations beyond traditional Western powers. The expansion of these agreements is expected to open new opportunities for mutual growth, increasing the scope for collaboration between Russia and Africa. Expanding Diplomatic Influence: Adding New Visa-Free Countries The Russian Foreign Ministry has announced plans to broaden the network of visa-free agreements, adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to the growing list of African countries that have already agreed to provide visa-free access to Russian citizens. This expansion would increase the number of African nations offering such access from 11 to 15, a significant diplomatic step that would further enhance Russia’s presence on the continent. Currently, Russian passport holders enjoy visa-free travel to 11 African countries, including popular destinations like South Africa, Morocco, Namibia, and Tunisia, where they are allowed to stay for periods ranging from 15 to 90 days depending on the country. With the proposed addition of Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini, Russian citizens would be able to visit these nations for up to 90 days without requiring a visa, depending on the final details of the agreements. This increase in travel flexibility offers significant diplomatic and economic leverage for Russia, enhancing its engagement in Africa. A Strategic Shift: Russia’s Diplomatic and Economic Plans The push for these visa-free agreements fits into Russia’s broader strategy to redefine its diplomatic and economic priorities. As relations with many Western nations continue to deteriorate amid geopolitical conflicts, Russia has been looking for new international partners, and Africa has emerged as a crucial focal point. With several African nations seeking to diversify their international relations, particularly away from traditional Western alliances, Russia’s offer of visa-free travel presents a compelling opportunity for these countries to build new ties that offer more freedom and fewer restrictions compared to the travel limitations faced by Russian citizens in Europe and the United States. These agreements are intended to help Russia solidify its political and economic presence across Africa. Mozambique, for instance, is already reviewing a draft agreement that would eliminate visa requirements for Russian nationals. This demonstrates Russia’s ongoing efforts to expand its influence across the continent and highlight its commitment to building stronger diplomatic relationships. Africa’s Shifting Geopolitical Landscape and Russia’s Role The changing political and economic landscape in Africa has played a significant role in shaping Russia’s approach to increasing its presence on the continent. In recent years, many African nations have been working to reduce their dependency on traditional Western powers. African countries are now seeking to build more diverse international relationships, making Russia’s approach particularly timely. The visa-free agreements with Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini reflect this shift. Like other African nations, these countries are eager to establish partnerships with non-Western powers that can offer economic cooperation without the constraints often imposed by traditional Western relationships. Russia’s offer of visa-free access provides these nations with an opportunity to engage with a new set of global partners, especially in areas like energy, mining, and infrastructure. This shift is also significant in light of the growing tensions between Russia and the West. As African nations seek new partners for trade, investment, and diplomatic alliances, Russia’s outreach via visa-free agreements provides a valuable alternative to the limitations posed by traditional Western powers. Economic Impact: Opening Doors for Investment and Trade The visa-free agreements between Russia and several African countries are expected to have profound economic implications, benefiting both regions. These agreements not only simplify travel but also pave the way for increased trade and investment. Russia’s presence in Africa has been expanding, particularly in industries such as energy, mining, agriculture, and infrastructure. Russian companies are already competing with Western and Chinese firms in these sectors, and the visa-free agreements will make it easier for them to operate and explore new markets. For African nations, these agreements represent a significant opportunity to attract foreign investment and diversify their international relationships. With Russia’s expanding presence in sectors like energy and mining, African nations can benefit from access to Russian resources, capital, and technological expertise. The removal of visa barriers will make it easier for Russian companies to engage with African markets, enhancing the economic and diplomatic ties between the two regions. As these visa-free agreements are implemented, there will likely be an increase in trade, investment, and business ventures between Russia and Africa. This growth will further contribute to the economic development of both regions, as Russia’s expanding influence helps African countries tap into more diverse international markets, ultimately fostering greater economic independence. Shifting Global Travel Dynamics: Impact on Tourism and Travel Patterns The introduction of visa-free agreements between Russia and Africa will significantly affect global travel trends, particularly in the tourism sector. The expansion of Russia’s visa-free network will make Africa a more attractive destination for Russian travelers, especially given the travel restrictions that have often made it difficult for Russian citizens to visit many countries outside of Europe and the United States. With the removal of visa requirements, more Russian nationals are likely to visit Africa, which will positively impact local tourism industries. The increase in Russian visitors will boost tourism revenue, which, in turn, will contribute to the development of local infrastructure, businesses, and tourism-related services. The rise in tourism will also foster cultural exchanges, strengthening the ties between Russia and Africa. For Africa, the increase in Russian visitors will have long-lasting economic benefits. Tourism revenue will rise, stimulating investment in infrastructure and helping to develop local businesses. The growth of the tourism sector will lead to more opportunities for Russia and Africa to collaborate in areas such as cultural diplomacy, which will further reinforce their economic and diplomatic relations. Strengthening Russia’s Strategic Role in Africa The expansion of visa-free agreements is an essential part of Russia’s long-term strategy to become a dominant force in Africa. By deepening its relationships with African nations through diplomatic and economic channels, Russia aims to cement its influence on the continent. The agreements with Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini are instrumental in achieving this goal, as they pave the way for stronger connections in sectors like trade, investment, and tourism. As Africa continues to grow as a key player in the global economy, Russia’s increased involvement will likely lead to long-term benefits for both Russia and Africa. By providing visa-free access to its citizens, Russia is positioning itself to play a major role in Africa’s future development, with far-reaching implications for regional diplomacy and trade relations. These growing ties will create new opportunities for Russia and Africa to collaborate in multiple sectors, while also helping to diversify Africa’s international relationships. The visa-free agreements represent Russia’s intention to foster deeper cooperation, ultimately strengthening both regions’ positions in global geopolitics. A New Era of Cooperation: Transforming International Relations The introduction of visa-free travel between Russia and Africa marks the beginning of a new era of cooperation between the two regions. The agreements will provide more opportunities for business exchanges, tourism, and cultural diplomacy, enhancing the ties between Russia and Africa. This shift reflects a broader global trend of increasing economic mobility and reducing travel restrictions. As both Russia and Africa adjust to the evolving global landscape, these new agreements will create the foundation for a more interconnected world, where greater cooperation in areas like trade, investment, and tourism can flourish. The easing of travel barriers will benefit both Russia and Africa by supporting greater economic growth, cultural exchange, and diplomatic engagement. A Transformational Shift in Travel and Diplomacy The visa-free agreements between Russia and Africa represent a transformational shift in global travel, tourism, and geopolitical relations. By simplifying travel for Russian citizens, Russia is positioning itself as a key partner for Africa, a region that increasingly seeks alternatives to traditional Western alliances. These agreements will likely reshape global travel patterns, especially in terms of increased mobility between Russia and Africa. As these agreements continue to expand, both regions stand to benefit from stronger diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties. The increased ease of travel will enhance tourism, promote business collaborations, and ultimately contribute to long-term economic growth. This shift represents a significant change in global geopolitics, opening the door for greater cooperation between Russia and Africa as both regions continue to evolve in a changing world. The post Russia Takes Major Step in Strengthening Ties with Africa, Adding Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Eswatini to Booming Visa-Free Travel Network appeared first on Travel And Tour World.