I can understand that between the changes in political climate and the reactions to the increase in refugee arrivals since 2015 (2011 for some of the countries involved) this might come as a surprise.

A system of cheap, physical IDs with limited requirements for the holders could solve many of the issues in this field, but apart from some migrant groups I do not see political actors willing to take up that position.

Right-to-work checks should become digital (which is an issue in terms of proving rights), with the promise of making the checks more systematic and traceable. The latter could improve workers' rights and facilitate proving time in employment, but that is still to prove

British citizens without a passport or driving licence will likely remain ID-less. If the new digital ID does get implemented it could be an improvement, but the vulnerability is likely to remain.

The exception is obviously undocumented migrants, for whom a reduction in ID check is welcome

Almost all non-citizens in the UK are already subject to mandatory digital ID, and have no alternatives to it being digital, so there is no improvement on that front. Rather, a divide will remain between those who have to have a digital ID and the majority that has alternatives

Co-authored by @michaelacbenson.bsky.social @catherineruth.bsky.social and @nandosigona.bsky.social
onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.... this @jcms-eu.bsky.social article examines how #Brexit ignited an unprecedented sense of shared #European identity and belonging in the UK and EU

Oh, and The Nanny season 2 episode 13 is surprisingly pro-union (less surprisingly if you consider Fran Drescher's history)

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Categor... - only a few of these are from the US, but Norma Rae for example stands out, and I would add the single-season series Damnation

The part I think has not been explored is: in how many cases it is transmitted without registration? How many are citizens in potentiality but don't become so until the paperwork is done? Doing research on external Irish and Italian external citizenship showed it can be important.

PSNI would basically need to consider the deportation of every single criminal sentenced in Northern Ireland. I am sure this would had no political ramifications.

Finally, 'we take our citizens back' is a basically dishonest way of presenting things. The main current use of denaturalisation (after fraud) is to leave people who have been charged with terror offences abroad unable to re-enter the UK.

Also, the Police Service of Northern Ireland would potentially end having to consider deportation for almost every local criminal, given that the Republic of Ireland attributes citizenship to most people born on the island, Northern Ireland included.