Devout yet pragmatic, the peasantry accepted Church authority without surrendering politics. Their moral psychology leaned toward manichaeism: as one woman recalled of a cruel stepmother, “I couldn’t like her body… but I still pray for her soul, for the soul is innocent.”
Devout yet pragmatic, the peasantry accepted Church authority without surrendering politics. Their moral psychology leaned toward manichaeism: as one woman recalled of a cruel stepmother, “I couldn’t like her body… but I still pray for her soul, for the soul is innocent.”
Christmas Eve midnight Masses were once raucous and drunken; pilgrimages (“patterns”) mixed devotion with matchmaking, sport, and trade. Hill gatherings echoed older, semi-pagan festivals like Lughnasa and Bealtaine.
Christmas Eve midnight Masses were once raucous and drunken; pilgrimages (“patterns”) mixed devotion with matchmaking, sport, and trade. Hill gatherings echoed older, semi-pagan festivals like Lughnasa and Bealtaine.
Outdoor Masses doubled as markets: tobacco, candles, soap, potash. Young men flirted from the back; older men debated politics. Indoor chapels—long, thatched, chimneyless—were scarcely quieter, full of gossip and anecdotes.
Outdoor Masses doubled as markets: tobacco, candles, soap, potash. Young men flirted from the back; older men debated politics. Indoor chapels—long, thatched, chimneyless—were scarcely quieter, full of gossip and anecdotes.
In peasant Ireland, “fun and religion” mixed freely. A priest who raced through Mass was popular. The drama of the ritual itself entertained, even when Irish-speaking congregations did not fully understand the Latin words.
In peasant Ireland, “fun and religion” mixed freely. A priest who raced through Mass was popular. The drama of the ritual itself entertained, even when Irish-speaking congregations did not fully understand the Latin words.
Payments for such services—questin—were competitive among those who could afford it, even drawing contributions from Protestant neighbours at rites of passage. Yet fees were broadly scaled to means; the poorest paid little.
Payments for such services—questin—were competitive among those who could afford it, even drawing contributions from Protestant neighbours at rites of passage. Yet fees were broadly scaled to means; the poorest paid little.
This was the psychological source of clerical authority. At sickness and death, kindness weighs heaviest. As Carleton noted, priests knit themselves into popular affection through these scenes, often displaying “shining… noble instances of Christian virtue.”
This was the psychological source of clerical authority. At sickness and death, kindness weighs heaviest. As Carleton noted, priests knit themselves into popular affection through these scenes, often displaying “shining… noble instances of Christian virtue.”
In “wild regions,” many peasants paid little heed to religion until death approached. But then the priest was indispensable—summoned without fail to the sickbed, where his presence was deeply valued.
In “wild regions,” many peasants paid little heed to religion until death approached. But then the priest was indispensable—summoned without fail to the sickbed, where his presence was deeply valued.
So much so that a Maynooth student in 1826 defined the middle class as those who could secure their children a post more lucrative than a priest’s—a striking benchmark of status.
So much so that a Maynooth student in 1826 defined the middle class as those who could secure their children a post more lucrative than a priest’s—a striking benchmark of status.
For peasant families, however, the priesthood (along with clerk or schoolmaster) marked escape from manual labour. If a boy was “cute at his larnin’,” parents sought to set him apart. This was the summit of popular social ambition.
For peasant families, however, the priesthood (along with clerk or schoolmaster) marked escape from manual labour. If a boy was “cute at his larnin’,” parents sought to set him apart. This was the summit of popular social ambition.
From the Protestant gentry’s perspective, this closeness showed. Frances Cobbe remembered pre-Famine priests as unmistakably peasant in appearance—“coarse mouth and jaw”—only lacking the beards that softened their lay brethren.
From the Protestant gentry’s perspective, this closeness showed. Frances Cobbe remembered pre-Famine priests as unmistakably peasant in appearance—“coarse mouth and jaw”—only lacking the beards that softened their lay brethren.
Yet priests were not distant elites. Many were close to the land and its labour. One parishioner recalled digging potatoes alongside Father Pether only a few years earlier: “an excellent spadesman he was.”
Yet priests were not distant elites. Many were close to the land and its labour. One parishioner recalled digging potatoes alongside Father Pether only a few years earlier: “an excellent spadesman he was.”
In Catholic districts, priests and curates were respected community figures, just as ministers and their wives were in Protestant areas. Respect was ritualised: Catholics doffed hats—or, hatless at labour, caught their forelocks and bowed in veneration.
In Catholic districts, priests and curates were respected community figures, just as ministers and their wives were in Protestant areas. Respect was ritualised: Catholics doffed hats—or, hatless at labour, caught their forelocks and bowed in veneration.