Théo Aiolfi
@theoaiolfi.bsky.social
Junior Professor at Université Bourgogne Europe | Associate researcher at Vrije Universiteit Brussel | Convenor of @populismpsa.bsky.social | Populism; Style; Far-right; Identity
https://tinyurl.com/populiststyle
https://tinyurl.com/populiststyle
15/
So, must left populism choose patriotism over “minority” struggles?
The French case suggests otherwise: créole populism—anti-racist and pluralist—proved more promising than the sovereigntist turn, both electorally and as a strategy for radical democracy.
So, must left populism choose patriotism over “minority” struggles?
The French case suggests otherwise: créole populism—anti-racist and pluralist—proved more promising than the sovereigntist turn, both electorally and as a strategy for radical democracy.
June 18, 2025 at 10:08 AM
15/
So, must left populism choose patriotism over “minority” struggles?
The French case suggests otherwise: créole populism—anti-racist and pluralist—proved more promising than the sovereigntist turn, both electorally and as a strategy for radical democracy.
So, must left populism choose patriotism over “minority” struggles?
The French case suggests otherwise: créole populism—anti-racist and pluralist—proved more promising than the sovereigntist turn, both electorally and as a strategy for radical democracy.
14/
Créolisation names a different universalism—open, conflictual, grounded in difference.
It is not a boutique cultural gesture, but a "dirty", grassroots process that emerges from below and redefines who "the people" can be.
Créolisation names a different universalism—open, conflictual, grounded in difference.
It is not a boutique cultural gesture, but a "dirty", grassroots process that emerges from below and redefines who "the people" can be.
June 18, 2025 at 10:07 AM
14/
Créolisation names a different universalism—open, conflictual, grounded in difference.
It is not a boutique cultural gesture, but a "dirty", grassroots process that emerges from below and redefines who "the people" can be.
Créolisation names a different universalism—open, conflictual, grounded in difference.
It is not a boutique cultural gesture, but a "dirty", grassroots process that emerges from below and redefines who "the people" can be.
13/
Créolisation pictures the people not as a fixed identity but as a relation—open, unstable, shaped by intertwined histories and cultures.
It roots universalism in lived plural vulnerability, not abstract national sameness.
Créolisation pictures the people not as a fixed identity but as a relation—open, unstable, shaped by intertwined histories and cultures.
It roots universalism in lived plural vulnerability, not abstract national sameness.
June 18, 2025 at 10:06 AM
13/
Créolisation pictures the people not as a fixed identity but as a relation—open, unstable, shaped by intertwined histories and cultures.
It roots universalism in lived plural vulnerability, not abstract national sameness.
Créolisation pictures the people not as a fixed identity but as a relation—open, unstable, shaped by intertwined histories and cultures.
It roots universalism in lived plural vulnerability, not abstract national sameness.
12/
Seeing those limits, Mélenchon shifted strategy.
Instead of wooing far-right voters, he mobilised subaltern precarious groups—especially racialised abstentionists—and grounded this move in Édouard Glissant’s concept of créolisation.
Seeing those limits, Mélenchon shifted strategy.
Instead of wooing far-right voters, he mobilised subaltern precarious groups—especially racialised abstentionists—and grounded this move in Édouard Glissant’s concept of créolisation.
June 18, 2025 at 10:05 AM
12/
Seeing those limits, Mélenchon shifted strategy.
Instead of wooing far-right voters, he mobilised subaltern precarious groups—especially racialised abstentionists—and grounded this move in Édouard Glissant’s concept of créolisation.
Seeing those limits, Mélenchon shifted strategy.
Instead of wooing far-right voters, he mobilised subaltern precarious groups—especially racialised abstentionists—and grounded this move in Édouard Glissant’s concept of créolisation.
11/
In France, the sovereigntist gambit aimed to lure mob-leaning far-right voters into supporting the left. But it failed. The “faché pas facho” line proved to be a dead-end.
As @ericfassin.bsky.social notes, it misunderstands far-right loyalty and ends up reinforcing exclusion.
In France, the sovereigntist gambit aimed to lure mob-leaning far-right voters into supporting the left. But it failed. The “faché pas facho” line proved to be a dead-end.
As @ericfassin.bsky.social notes, it misunderstands far-right loyalty and ends up reinforcing exclusion.
June 18, 2025 at 10:05 AM
11/
In France, the sovereigntist gambit aimed to lure mob-leaning far-right voters into supporting the left. But it failed. The “faché pas facho” line proved to be a dead-end.
As @ericfassin.bsky.social notes, it misunderstands far-right loyalty and ends up reinforcing exclusion.
In France, the sovereigntist gambit aimed to lure mob-leaning far-right voters into supporting the left. But it failed. The “faché pas facho” line proved to be a dead-end.
As @ericfassin.bsky.social notes, it misunderstands far-right loyalty and ends up reinforcing exclusion.
10/
We build a typology mapping three expressions of invisibilised masses (that can overlap):
(1) Subalterns – excluded by race, gender or status
(2) The precarious – atomised, insecure workers
(3) The mob – déclassé, fringed, resentful groups courted by the far-right
We build a typology mapping three expressions of invisibilised masses (that can overlap):
(1) Subalterns – excluded by race, gender or status
(2) The precarious – atomised, insecure workers
(3) The mob – déclassé, fringed, resentful groups courted by the far-right
June 18, 2025 at 10:04 AM
10/
We build a typology mapping three expressions of invisibilised masses (that can overlap):
(1) Subalterns – excluded by race, gender or status
(2) The precarious – atomised, insecure workers
(3) The mob – déclassé, fringed, resentful groups courted by the far-right
We build a typology mapping three expressions of invisibilised masses (that can overlap):
(1) Subalterns – excluded by race, gender or status
(2) The precarious – atomised, insecure workers
(3) The mob – déclassé, fringed, resentful groups courted by the far-right
9/
To grasp this turn, remember that populism is not only about stylistic transgressions of charismatic leaders—it is about who is drawn onto the stage.
Its transgression lies in mobilising the invisibilised—sectors that are, in fact, very diverse, literally heterogeneous.
To grasp this turn, remember that populism is not only about stylistic transgressions of charismatic leaders—it is about who is drawn onto the stage.
Its transgression lies in mobilising the invisibilised—sectors that are, in fact, very diverse, literally heterogeneous.
June 18, 2025 at 10:03 AM
9/
To grasp this turn, remember that populism is not only about stylistic transgressions of charismatic leaders—it is about who is drawn onto the stage.
Its transgression lies in mobilising the invisibilised—sectors that are, in fact, very diverse, literally heterogeneous.
To grasp this turn, remember that populism is not only about stylistic transgressions of charismatic leaders—it is about who is drawn onto the stage.
Its transgression lies in mobilising the invisibilised—sectors that are, in fact, very diverse, literally heterogeneous.
8/
Gradually, however, Mélenchon pivoted. He refocused on abstentionist, racialised, precarious voters in the banlieues, adopting an openly anti-racist, feminist, and queer-inclusive discourse.
It was not a strategic shift that happened smoothly, and he has been heavily criticised for this choice.
Gradually, however, Mélenchon pivoted. He refocused on abstentionist, racialised, precarious voters in the banlieues, adopting an openly anti-racist, feminist, and queer-inclusive discourse.
It was not a strategic shift that happened smoothly, and he has been heavily criticised for this choice.
June 18, 2025 at 10:02 AM
8/
Gradually, however, Mélenchon pivoted. He refocused on abstentionist, racialised, precarious voters in the banlieues, adopting an openly anti-racist, feminist, and queer-inclusive discourse.
It was not a strategic shift that happened smoothly, and he has been heavily criticised for this choice.
Gradually, however, Mélenchon pivoted. He refocused on abstentionist, racialised, precarious voters in the banlieues, adopting an openly anti-racist, feminist, and queer-inclusive discourse.
It was not a strategic shift that happened smoothly, and he has been heavily criticised for this choice.
7/
Mélenchon initially backed that line. The so-called "faché pas facho [angry, not fascist]" strategy assumed that far-right voters weren't inherently reactionary, but simply lacked alternatives—and that appealing to national symbols could bring them (back) to the left.
Mélenchon initially backed that line. The so-called "faché pas facho [angry, not fascist]" strategy assumed that far-right voters weren't inherently reactionary, but simply lacked alternatives—and that appealing to national symbols could bring them (back) to the left.
June 18, 2025 at 10:01 AM
7/
Mélenchon initially backed that line. The so-called "faché pas facho [angry, not fascist]" strategy assumed that far-right voters weren't inherently reactionary, but simply lacked alternatives—and that appealing to national symbols could bring them (back) to the left.
Mélenchon initially backed that line. The so-called "faché pas facho [angry, not fascist]" strategy assumed that far-right voters weren't inherently reactionary, but simply lacked alternatives—and that appealing to national symbols could bring them (back) to the left.
6/
To reach them, Ruffin embraced patriotic tropes, and set aside race and gender issues, seen as "divisive".
This was in line with LFI’s "sovereigntist" phase: attempting to reconstruct a national-popular identity to rally dissatisfied citizens leaning toward the far-right.
To reach them, Ruffin embraced patriotic tropes, and set aside race and gender issues, seen as "divisive".
This was in line with LFI’s "sovereigntist" phase: attempting to reconstruct a national-popular identity to rally dissatisfied citizens leaning toward the far-right.
June 18, 2025 at 10:00 AM
6/
To reach them, Ruffin embraced patriotic tropes, and set aside race and gender issues, seen as "divisive".
This was in line with LFI’s "sovereigntist" phase: attempting to reconstruct a national-popular identity to rally dissatisfied citizens leaning toward the far-right.
To reach them, Ruffin embraced patriotic tropes, and set aside race and gender issues, seen as "divisive".
This was in line with LFI’s "sovereigntist" phase: attempting to reconstruct a national-popular identity to rally dissatisfied citizens leaning toward the far-right.
5/
Our case study is the split within La France Insoumise between @jlmelenchon.bsky.social and @francoisruffin.fr.
Ruffin sought to rally what he called "les petits blancs"—"little white people" of deindustrialized and rural France: outraged citizens who have increasingly turned to the far-right.
Our case study is the split within La France Insoumise between @jlmelenchon.bsky.social and @francoisruffin.fr.
Ruffin sought to rally what he called "les petits blancs"—"little white people" of deindustrialized and rural France: outraged citizens who have increasingly turned to the far-right.
June 18, 2025 at 9:58 AM
5/
Our case study is the split within La France Insoumise between @jlmelenchon.bsky.social and @francoisruffin.fr.
Ruffin sought to rally what he called "les petits blancs"—"little white people" of deindustrialized and rural France: outraged citizens who have increasingly turned to the far-right.
Our case study is the split within La France Insoumise between @jlmelenchon.bsky.social and @francoisruffin.fr.
Ruffin sought to rally what he called "les petits blancs"—"little white people" of deindustrialized and rural France: outraged citizens who have increasingly turned to the far-right.
4/
Whereas thought-provoking, we challenge that assumption. We claim that there is no clear pre-formed people waiting to be addressed.
Populism constructs “the people” through antagonisms—and through political choices about who becomes visible.
Whereas thought-provoking, we challenge that assumption. We claim that there is no clear pre-formed people waiting to be addressed.
Populism constructs “the people” through antagonisms—and through political choices about who becomes visible.
June 18, 2025 at 9:56 AM
4/
Whereas thought-provoking, we challenge that assumption. We claim that there is no clear pre-formed people waiting to be addressed.
Populism constructs “the people” through antagonisms—and through political choices about who becomes visible.
Whereas thought-provoking, we challenge that assumption. We claim that there is no clear pre-formed people waiting to be addressed.
Populism constructs “the people” through antagonisms—and through political choices about who becomes visible.
3/
Their remedy is a return to patriotic and national symbols to forge a majoritarian bloc. Playing the "national-popular" card, they claim, is a way to speak the language of ordinary citizens. In this view, anti-racism & queer politics fragment rather than unite "the people".
Their remedy is a return to patriotic and national symbols to forge a majoritarian bloc. Playing the "national-popular" card, they claim, is a way to speak the language of ordinary citizens. In this view, anti-racism & queer politics fragment rather than unite "the people".
June 18, 2025 at 9:56 AM
3/
Their remedy is a return to patriotic and national symbols to forge a majoritarian bloc. Playing the "national-popular" card, they claim, is a way to speak the language of ordinary citizens. In this view, anti-racism & queer politics fragment rather than unite "the people".
Their remedy is a return to patriotic and national symbols to forge a majoritarian bloc. Playing the "national-popular" card, they claim, is a way to speak the language of ordinary citizens. In this view, anti-racism & queer politics fragment rather than unite "the people".
2/
In their recent and insightful work, Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi argue that Spain’s populist radical left short-circuited itself by drifting into cultural elitism—alienating its “natural addressees” by prioritising “identity” agendas.
In their recent and insightful work, Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi argue that Spain’s populist radical left short-circuited itself by drifting into cultural elitism—alienating its “natural addressees” by prioritising “identity” agendas.
June 18, 2025 at 9:55 AM
2/
In their recent and insightful work, Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi argue that Spain’s populist radical left short-circuited itself by drifting into cultural elitism—alienating its “natural addressees” by prioritising “identity” agendas.
In their recent and insightful work, Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi argue that Spain’s populist radical left short-circuited itself by drifting into cultural elitism—alienating its “natural addressees” by prioritising “identity” agendas.
📢 New article with @bolandeira.bsky.social in JCES!
Can left populism embrace anti-racism & queer politics - or must it stick to patriotism to reach “the people”?
We reply to Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi with a French case: the Mélenchon–Ruffin split.👇
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
Can left populism embrace anti-racism & queer politics - or must it stick to patriotism to reach “the people”?
We reply to Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi with a French case: the Mélenchon–Ruffin split.👇
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
June 18, 2025 at 9:54 AM
📢 New article with @bolandeira.bsky.social in JCES!
Can left populism embrace anti-racism & queer politics - or must it stick to patriotism to reach “the people”?
We reply to Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi with a French case: the Mélenchon–Ruffin split.👇
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
Can left populism embrace anti-racism & queer politics - or must it stick to patriotism to reach “the people”?
We reply to Rojas-Andrés, Mazzolini & Custodi with a French case: the Mélenchon–Ruffin split.👇
www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10....
My physical copy of The Routledge Handbook of Populism and Foreign Policy just arrived at home. What an impressive collective work!
I am very honoured to have contributed the theoretical chapter on the stylistic approach to populism.
I am very honoured to have contributed the theoretical chapter on the stylistic approach to populism.
June 13, 2025 at 11:14 AM
My physical copy of The Routledge Handbook of Populism and Foreign Policy just arrived at home. What an impressive collective work!
I am very honoured to have contributed the theoretical chapter on the stylistic approach to populism.
I am very honoured to have contributed the theoretical chapter on the stylistic approach to populism.
The collective level involves the classic identities in the populist antagonism: the people vs the elite. They are opposed by a power differential, not a moral one.
The individual level engages with the role of embodiment and identification towards a political leader.
7/25
The individual level engages with the role of embodiment and identification towards a political leader.
7/25
January 30, 2025 at 8:06 AM
The collective level involves the classic identities in the populist antagonism: the people vs the elite. They are opposed by a power differential, not a moral one.
The individual level engages with the role of embodiment and identification towards a political leader.
7/25
The individual level engages with the role of embodiment and identification towards a political leader.
7/25
My first book, The Populist Style, is finally out! 🎉✨
It is available in open access (direct link to the PDF: tinyurl.com/PopulistStyl...) and there is a 30% discount code (NEW30) for those who want to get a hardback copy (edin.ac/3WIe0Sr).
Here's a summary of the book's key arguments:
1/25
It is available in open access (direct link to the PDF: tinyurl.com/PopulistStyl...) and there is a 30% discount code (NEW30) for those who want to get a hardback copy (edin.ac/3WIe0Sr).
Here's a summary of the book's key arguments:
1/25
January 30, 2025 at 8:03 AM
My first book, The Populist Style, is finally out! 🎉✨
It is available in open access (direct link to the PDF: tinyurl.com/PopulistStyl...) and there is a 30% discount code (NEW30) for those who want to get a hardback copy (edin.ac/3WIe0Sr).
Here's a summary of the book's key arguments:
1/25
It is available in open access (direct link to the PDF: tinyurl.com/PopulistStyl...) and there is a 30% discount code (NEW30) for those who want to get a hardback copy (edin.ac/3WIe0Sr).
Here's a summary of the book's key arguments:
1/25
What a month it's been, glad to see these paperback versions of our edited volume with Goran Petrovic Lorna in print. Still very proud of this collection of contributions and they are now accessible at a much more reasonable price!
January 24, 2025 at 1:39 PM
What a month it's been, glad to see these paperback versions of our edited volume with Goran Petrovic Lorna in print. Still very proud of this collection of contributions and they are now accessible at a much more reasonable price!
My former PhD supervisor, the incredible @shirinmrai.bsky.social, shared with me this picture of her physical copy of my book... 😱
It still feels unreal and I cannot wait to hold it in my hands to let it sink in...
Thrilled to formally share that the book will also be available in open access!
It still feels unreal and I cannot wait to hold it in my hands to let it sink in...
Thrilled to formally share that the book will also be available in open access!
January 16, 2025 at 5:46 PM
My former PhD supervisor, the incredible @shirinmrai.bsky.social, shared with me this picture of her physical copy of my book... 😱
It still feels unreal and I cannot wait to hold it in my hands to let it sink in...
Thrilled to formally share that the book will also be available in open access!
It still feels unreal and I cannot wait to hold it in my hands to let it sink in...
Thrilled to formally share that the book will also be available in open access!
New article in @jlanpol.bsky.social where I am thrilled to introduce an interdisciplinary methods tool: the political performance analysis protocol (PPAP)
It is part of an exciting special issue on discourse theory and it is available open access!
www.jbe-platform.com/content/jour...
It is part of an exciting special issue on discourse theory and it is available open access!
www.jbe-platform.com/content/jour...
January 15, 2025 at 5:36 PM
New article in @jlanpol.bsky.social where I am thrilled to introduce an interdisciplinary methods tool: the political performance analysis protocol (PPAP)
It is part of an exciting special issue on discourse theory and it is available open access!
www.jbe-platform.com/content/jour...
It is part of an exciting special issue on discourse theory and it is available open access!
www.jbe-platform.com/content/jour...
First media reference to my book in @opinion.bloomberg.com about the role of transgression in the Le Pen family.
The book is out this month @edinburghup.bsky.social, stay tuned!
www.bloomberg.com/opinion/arti...
The book is out this month @edinburghup.bsky.social, stay tuned!
www.bloomberg.com/opinion/arti...
January 11, 2025 at 5:57 PM
First media reference to my book in @opinion.bloomberg.com about the role of transgression in the Le Pen family.
The book is out this month @edinburghup.bsky.social, stay tuned!
www.bloomberg.com/opinion/arti...
The book is out this month @edinburghup.bsky.social, stay tuned!
www.bloomberg.com/opinion/arti...
Je viens de recevoir le 94ème numéro d'Hermès, où mon premier article en français vient d'être publié 🙌
Le numéro entier est excellent, riche, varié et on ne peut plus pertinent politiquement. Merci @axelboursier.bsky.social de m'avoir permis de mettre ma petite pierre à l'édifice !
Le numéro entier est excellent, riche, varié et on ne peut plus pertinent politiquement. Merci @axelboursier.bsky.social de m'avoir permis de mettre ma petite pierre à l'édifice !
November 24, 2024 at 10:40 AM
Je viens de recevoir le 94ème numéro d'Hermès, où mon premier article en français vient d'être publié 🙌
Le numéro entier est excellent, riche, varié et on ne peut plus pertinent politiquement. Merci @axelboursier.bsky.social de m'avoir permis de mettre ma petite pierre à l'édifice !
Le numéro entier est excellent, riche, varié et on ne peut plus pertinent politiquement. Merci @axelboursier.bsky.social de m'avoir permis de mettre ma petite pierre à l'édifice !
Just presented with my partner in crime @bolandeira.bsky.social at the 5th Ideas in Politics conference in Prague.
I look forward to being able to share our collaborative paper very soon!
I look forward to being able to share our collaborative paper very soon!
November 23, 2024 at 5:05 PM
Just presented with my partner in crime @bolandeira.bsky.social at the 5th Ideas in Politics conference in Prague.
I look forward to being able to share our collaborative paper very soon!
I look forward to being able to share our collaborative paper very soon!
With the latest exodus from X, time to share some updates!
Firstly, I joined the Université de Bourgogne as Junior Professor in September.
Secondly, very excited to share the cover of my first book, "The Populist Style", published in January
@edinburghup.bsky.social 🧢🌹
tinyurl.com/populiststyle
Firstly, I joined the Université de Bourgogne as Junior Professor in September.
Secondly, very excited to share the cover of my first book, "The Populist Style", published in January
@edinburghup.bsky.social 🧢🌹
tinyurl.com/populiststyle
November 14, 2024 at 2:52 PM
With the latest exodus from X, time to share some updates!
Firstly, I joined the Université de Bourgogne as Junior Professor in September.
Secondly, very excited to share the cover of my first book, "The Populist Style", published in January
@edinburghup.bsky.social 🧢🌹
tinyurl.com/populiststyle
Firstly, I joined the Université de Bourgogne as Junior Professor in September.
Secondly, very excited to share the cover of my first book, "The Populist Style", published in January
@edinburghup.bsky.social 🧢🌹
tinyurl.com/populiststyle