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Patrick O’Brien

Patrick John (Paddy) O'Brien, was an Australian political scientist and author, teaching in the political science department of the… more

H-index: 22
Economics 36%
Political science 31%
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Of course! Might as well cut out the middle-man...
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Yes. I think this is much more careful and insightful than the original speech deserves, though. Really, I think the message is "I want to be allowed to appoint Ekins and that guy who says he does law not politics to the UKSC".
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Yes absolutely. I debated whether I should include a caveat like this in the original post. There were all sorts of unpalatable things about early 20th C LC decisions (eg religious quotas). But notwithstanding: in the modern era, there was never an LC that operated in the way he's suggesting.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Yes, entirely true. It's not really possible to put the old LC back together again without dealing with all these very complex outworkings from later evolution of the system.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
There may, in abstract, be an argument for greater political interest and input in judicial appointments as a means of enhancing trust. That this now invariably comes wrapped with a threat to appoint friends and dismiss enemies, however, shows the wisdom of removing politicians from these decisions.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
As with so much of the contemporary critique of the legal constitution, this golden age myth ignores the fact that politicians were subject to - and observed - conventions that controlled how they used their powers, including conventions about independence and political neutrality.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Obviously, this speech is crassly offensive in multiple ways, and does violence to judicial independence. But I think it's also important to recognise that there was never a 'golden age' when Lord Chancellors just appointed and sacked whoever they wanted as judges. This is an authoritarian fantasy.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Just because you give it to us straight, irascible but loveable Public Law journal account. It's a compliment...
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
(Because this is BlueSky I should probably make it clear that that was a joke.)
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
I think you're doing voter corruption the wrong way round...?
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
I think people who assume Gavin won't now get votes haven't spent enough time engaging with student politics and the popularity of RON (re-open nominations).
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Banter heuristic says Jim Gavin now wins the Irish presidential election as the Re-Open Nominations candidate.
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
Just in case Red Bull are reading, I'm willing to be fired from Red Bull for a 10% discount on whatever you're willing to be fired for. Not here to make friends.

Reposted by: Patrick O’Brien

thejournal.ie
Several of this year’s Áras hopefuls have voiced their frustration over how difficult it is to get on the ballot by way of local authority nominations.

So, tell us what you think – is it too difficult to get on the presidential ballot?
jrnl.ie/6823342
Is it too difficult to get on the presidential ballot?
With many parties backing their own candidates, just three councils have so far endorsed anyone in this year’s presidential race.
jrnl.ie
patrickcobrien.bsky.social
The federal system makes this institutionally a bit easier, but still extraordinary (in any system) to see sitting judges openly dissent from apex court decisions.
mjsdc.bsky.social
Check out Justice Eddins’ complete repudiation of the Roberts Court here. It’s worth reading in full. It’s quite brave—and exceedingly rare—for a sitting judge to speak so candidly and scathingly about SCOTUS’ partisan contortions of law, history, and fact.
www.courts.state.hi.us/wp-content/u...
The Supreme Court devalues democracy. Thirty-seven state
constitutions block public funds from supporting religious
entities. Richard Schragger, Micah Schwartzman & Nelson Tebbe,
Reestablishing Religion, 92 U. Chi. L. Rev. 199, 211 (2025) .
The Court aims to federally-repeal these state constitutional
provisions.
The Court's beliefs meddle with local and state
governments. Forcing states to send public funds to religious
entities federalizes public policy. By unprincipled fiat. See
also New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass'n, Inc. v. Bruen, 597
U.S. 1 (2022) (zero to superpower).
Taxpayer funds now flow to religious institutions. So, the
government collects money from nonbelievers (under the threat of
jail), and uses some of it to support religion. And since not
all religions will receive public funds, the government forces
minority faiths to support other faiths, or else.
The Court twists text, history, purpose, precedent, and
public meaning to offend the First Amendment's character-of-
government structure and the Constitution's separate sovereignty
structure.
As it steamrolls both, the Court says nothing about church-
state separation and federalism principles. The Court's
nevermind stance to the structural features of the Constitution
"has unfolded with little engagement with, and occasional

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