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"There is no right and no wrong.
But right is right, and wrong is wrong." (Seung Sahn)
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Because bigger banks were safer and more convenient, the only way smaller banks could grow was by offering higher deposit rates. If they switch to lower deposit rates, they are likely to contract both sides of their balance sheets.
Because bigger banks were safer and more convenient, the only way smaller banks could grow was by offering higher deposit rates. If they switch to lower deposit rates, they are likely to contract both sides of their balance sheets.
I would add that it also confirms what some of us have known for over a decade—a large and growing share of infrastructure investment simply does not make economic sense, and has been pursued mainly to generate economic activity.
I would add that it also confirms what some of us have known for over a decade—a large and growing share of infrastructure investment simply does not make economic sense, and has been pursued mainly to generate economic activity.
It leads instead to lower savings elsewhere in the economy, either in the form of higher unemployment, as Marriner Eccles explained in the 1930s, or of higher household and fiscal debt, as Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi show.
straub.scholars.harvard.edu/sites/g/file...
It leads instead to lower savings elsewhere in the economy, either in the form of higher unemployment, as Marriner Eccles explained in the 1930s, or of higher household and fiscal debt, as Atif Mian, Ludwig Straub and Amir Sufi show.
straub.scholars.harvard.edu/sites/g/file...
When the constraint is whether or not businesses can sell their products, however, income inequality, by reducing total demand, actually reduces investment needs. In that case pushing up the savings of the rich does not lead to more investment.
carnegieendowment.org/china-financ...
When the constraint is whether or not businesses can sell their products, however, income inequality, by reducing total demand, actually reduces investment needs. In that case pushing up the savings of the rich does not lead to more investment.
carnegieendowment.org/china-financ...
pace with productivity growth, and it is easy to see why the household savings rate remained high even as the household share of GDP declined consistently, both of which pushed up the national savings rate and pushed down the household consumption share.
pace with productivity growth, and it is easy to see why the household savings rate remained high even as the household share of GDP declined consistently, both of which pushed up the national savings rate and pushed down the household consumption share.
This, in turn, explains most of the decline in the consumption share of GDP during that period. Add to this the fact that the hukou system prevented the social safety network from keeping pace with GDP growth even as it prevented wages from keeping...
This, in turn, explains most of the decline in the consumption share of GDP during that period. Add to this the fact that the hukou system prevented the social safety network from keeping pace with GDP growth even as it prevented wages from keeping...
But these low rates represented transfers from household savers to banks and borrowers that equalled roughly 5% or more of GDP. Not surprisingly, during this time household consumption dropped from a very low 48% of GDP to an astonishingly low 34% of GDP.
But these low rates represented transfers from household savers to banks and borrowers that equalled roughly 5% or more of GDP. Not surprisingly, during this time household consumption dropped from a very low 48% of GDP to an astonishingly low 34% of GDP.
At that time, the GDP deflator was 8-10%, and nominal GDP growth was 16-20%, but lending rates were 7-8% and deposit rates were 3-4%. This allowed the AMCs that had purchased bad debts from the banking system to resolve these bad debts over 10-20 years with minimum losses.
At that time, the GDP deflator was 8-10%, and nominal GDP growth was 16-20%, but lending rates were 7-8% and deposit rates were 3-4%. This allowed the AMCs that had purchased bad debts from the banking system to resolve these bad debts over 10-20 years with minimum losses.
Total loans in the first five months of 2025 were up RMB 10.68 trillion, of which 92% went to businesses and 5% to households. Beijing wants banks to make more consumer loans to households, and while the increase in...
Total loans in the first five months of 2025 were up RMB 10.68 trillion, of which 92% went to businesses and 5% to households. Beijing wants banks to make more consumer loans to households, and while the increase in...
Year to date, financing rose by RMB 18.63 trillion, equal to 34% of the period's GDP. If roughly RMB 4-5 trillion of this increase represents the rolling over of interest, this suggests that it takes around RMB 6-7 in new financing to generate each RMB 1 in GDP growth.
Year to date, financing rose by RMB 18.63 trillion, equal to 34% of the period's GDP. If roughly RMB 4-5 trillion of this increase represents the rolling over of interest, this suggests that it takes around RMB 6-7 in new financing to generate each RMB 1 in GDP growth.
Why? Mainly because, as Wu indirectly suggests, China was able to externalize the cost of the slowdown to its trade partners. As property investment in China dropped sharply, subtracting from GDP growth, it was balanced by a surge in manufacturing investment.
Why? Mainly because, as Wu indirectly suggests, China was able to externalize the cost of the slowdown to its trade partners. As property investment in China dropped sharply, subtracting from GDP growth, it was balanced by a surge in manufacturing investment.
In that case it is the US economy that must adjust. This is incredibly hard for many Americans to understand, but the US is not the only country to have agency, and in fact many other countries have greater control over their external accounts than the US does.
In that case it is the US economy that must adjust. This is incredibly hard for many Americans to understand, but the US is not the only country to have agency, and in fact many other countries have greater control over their external accounts than the US does.
According to the article, the plan is to take idle land from developers struggling with cashflow problems so as to "revitalize" the land "and ease the financial pressure on developers".
Basically local governments are taking on debt to relieve developer debt burdens.
According to the article, the plan is to take idle land from developers struggling with cashflow problems so as to "revitalize" the land "and ease the financial pressure on developers".
Basically local governments are taking on debt to relieve developer debt burdens.
While this might seem like an argument against a world of multiple currencies, it's actually a stronger argument against a world of unfettered capital, which also characterized the 1920s and 1930s. Keynes, among others, opposed a world in which the needs of speculative...
While this might seem like an argument against a world of multiple currencies, it's actually a stronger argument against a world of unfettered capital, which also characterized the 1920s and 1930s. Keynes, among others, opposed a world in which the needs of speculative...
The only way it can "show self restraint" (i.e. reduce its net exports) is by boosting domestic consumption, which it is finding extremely hard to do, boosting investment in infrastructure, of which it already has...
The only way it can "show self restraint" (i.e. reduce its net exports) is by boosting domestic consumption, which it is finding extremely hard to do, boosting investment in infrastructure, of which it already has...
It is not as if China is running huge trade surpluses out of malice. It is a structural problem. A high-savings high-investment economy must always run trade surpluses to balance its high savings once it begins to reach the limit of the investment it can productively absorb.
It is not as if China is running huge trade surpluses out of malice. It is a structural problem. A high-savings high-investment economy must always run trade surpluses to balance its high savings once it begins to reach the limit of the investment it can productively absorb.
But should we ask "the market" (this animist personification of an abstraction) to be the arbiter of political action?
What if this was an action we would ourlsves defend ?
But should we ask "the market" (this animist personification of an abstraction) to be the arbiter of political action?
What if this was an action we would ourlsves defend ?